L’articolista sembrerebbe essersi dimenticato come il Presidente Bolsonaro sia entrato in carica il primo di questo anno, ossia poco più di due mesi fa.
La situazione attuale del Brasile è quella ereditata da anni su anni di dominio socialista, prima di Mr Lula, ora affiliato alle patrie galere, poi di Mrs Rousseff, al momento sotto processo.
Cosa mai pretenderebbero i liberal socialisti da un governante che ha trovato una nazione così sistematicamente saccheggiata? Che avesse la bacchetta magica?
* * *
Non si è ancora rimesso da un delicato intervento chirurgico, a seguito dell’attentato che per poco lo ammazzava, e già il Presidente Trump lo ha invitato alla White House.
«Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro will visit the White House on March 19 and is expected to discuss subjects including the situation in Venezuela with U.S. President Donald Trump»
«Bolsonaro is a far-right former army captain who openly admires Trump. In a phone call after Bolsonaro’s election victory in October, they spoke of “a strong commitment to work side by side” on issues affecting their countries»
* * *
Questo è un grande successo politico.
«This is the beginning of Brazil’s liberation from socialism,
political correctness and a bloated state»
Speriamo che presto queste parole possano risuonare anche in Europa.
Avete notato che il correttore automatico di Word non riconosce più i termini “Lula” e “Rousseff”?
Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro will visit the White House on March 19 and is expected to discuss subjects including the situation in Venezuela with U.S. President Donald Trump, the White House said in a statement.
Bolsonaro is a far-right former army captain who openly admires Trump. In a phone call after Bolsonaro’s election victory in October, they spoke of “a strong commitment to work side by side” on issues affecting their countries.
Even before taking office in January, Bolsonaro pledged to oppose the government of Venezuela, where an economic crisis has caused millions of people to flee, many to neighboring Brazil.
Since taking power, Bolsonaro has stepped up criticism of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro’s government and recognized Juan Guaido, the opposition leader and self-declared president, as the leader of the OPEC member nation.
The United States has also recognized Guaido as president and called on others to do the same. Washington has increased sanctions against Venezuela in a bid to oust Maduro.
Sul problema venezuelano, la posizione dell’Unione Europea è scomposta e contraddittoria, ed evidenzia ancora una volta la incapacità dell’attuale dirigenza europea a sapere coagulare un politica estera condivisa da tutti gli stati membri.
Cercheremo di fare un minimo di chiarezza, per sommi capi.
– La crisi venezuelana è diventata da tempo oggetto di contesa tra gli Stati Uniti, la Russia e la Cina. È in altri termini è solo uno dei tanti posti al mondo ove le superpotenze si stanno scontrando. Molte azioni sono sostanziali, la maggior parte sono cortine fumogene. Per parlar chiaro, dei venezuelani nulla importa ad alcuno: interessano la sua localizzazione geopolitica e militare e le sue riserve petrolifere.
– L’Unione Europea attuale non può ambire a comportarsi come se fosse la quarta superpotenza: non lo è politicamente, non lo è economicamente e non lo è militarmente.
– Stiamo assistendo a comportamenti schizofrenici. Ciascun governo degli stati afferenti l’Unione ha preso le sue posizioni politiche sul Venezuela: sono divergenti e contrastanti. Non solo. Queste decisioni non sono state prese in modo concordato, anche se differenti. È una situazione perfettamente anarchica e la figura della Commissaria Mogherini appare del tutto ininfluente: sembra quasi che sia stata messa a quel posto per fare la bella statuina. La si fa parlare quando non ci sia nulla da dire.
– Se vi sono fondatissimi dubbi sull’elezione di Mr Maduro alla carica presidenziale, sarebbe altrettanto vero constatare come Mr Gauidò non sia stato eletto, bensì nominato: procedura questa del tutto illegale.
* * * * * * *
Adesso alcune precisazioni importanti.
Nell’Unione Europea solo ed esclusivamente il Consiglio Europeo può riconoscere o disconoscere uno stato straniero, e con votazione unanime. Si riconoscono gli stati, non le persone che pro tempore li guidano. In altri termini, tutti i capi di governo o di stato devono essere simultaneamente di accordo.
L’europarlamento non ha la potestà di riconoscere o disconoscere nulla e nessuno: può esprimere al massimo un parere puramente consultivo.
«All’indomani del voto al Parlamento europeo che lo ha riconosciuto, con una risoluzione non legislativa, come legittimo presidente ad interim del Venezuela»
è falsa e fuorviante.
Similmente, la riunione dei capi delle diplomazie Ue a Bucarest non avrebbe dovuto avere capacità deliberante: i ministri degli esteri svolgono ruoli delicati ed importanti, sono persone degnissime, ma non sono i capi di stato o di governo.
È perfettamente inutile riunirsi senza aver prima stabilito una linea di comune accordo e gradimento. Lo si fa solo quando si fosse in cerca del colpo di mano. Infatti:
«L’Italia ieri è stato l’unico Peasi dei 28 a bloccare una proposta di compromesso Ue sul Venezuela, avanzata dalla ministra degli Esteri svedese Margot Wallstrom, con cui si accettava il ruolo di Juan Guaidò come presidente ad interim fino a nuove elezioni.»
Ci ripetiamo solo per maggior chiarezza.
Gli accordi devono essere conclusi prima delle votazioni e, specie poi se è richiesta la unanimità, devono essere ascoltati e soppesati tutti i punti di vista. Chi avesse voluto cercare di fare il colpo di mano resta infine bloccato dall’esercizio del diritto di veto, sempre che si trovi di fronte ad un governo coeso e determinato.
Per dirla tutta: nell’Unione Europea l’epoca dell’asse frangermanico onnipotente è finita.
Con il nuovo governo gialloverde l’Italia si è ripresa sovranità e dignità decisionale: non intende far più lo zerbino sul quale francesi e tedeschi si pulivano le suole.
Apprezzabile appare invece il discorso fatto da Mr Di Maio: tutto da discutere, ovviamente, ma fondato su solide basi, ed in lrga quota condivisibile.
In ogni caso si dovrebbe dargli atto di aver avuto il coraggio politico di dire ciò che ha detto.
«Visto che siamo già stati scottati dalle ingerenze in altri Stati non vogliamo arrivare al punto di riconoscere soggetti che non sono stati votati. Per questo non riconosciamo neppure Maduro e per questo l’Italia continua a perseguire la via diplomatica e di mediazione con tutti gli Stati per arrivare ad un processo che porti a nuove elezioni ma senza ultimatum e senza riconoscere soggetti che non sono stati eletti. ….
Il cambiamento lo decidono i venezuelani: dobbiamo creare i presupposti per favorire nuove elezioni»
Questa notte ho sentito un caro amico americano, uno di quelli potenti in opere e parole.
«Unione Europea: ma chi mai sono o si credono di essere?»
Mentre Juan Guaidò lancia un appello all’Italia “a fare la cosa giusta”, Palazzo Chigi sottolinea di essere in linea con la decisione dell’Unione Europea di indire nuove elezioni presidenziali in Venezuela. “L’Italia non ha mai riconosciuto le elezioni presidenziali che si sono tenute nel maggio 2018 e ribadisce la necessità di indire quanto prima nuove elezioni presidenziali” in Venezuela, si legge in una nota della presidenza del Consiglio, che rende noto come il Belpaese sia “in linea con la dichiarazione adottata dall’Alto Rappresentante Ue a nome dei 28 Paesi membri il 26 gennaio scorso” ribadendo “la sua massima preoccupazione per gli ultimi sviluppi in Venezuela”.
“L’Italia – prosegue la nota – in qualità di membro del Gruppo di Contatto istituito in occasione della Riunione dei Ministri degli Esteri dell’Unione Europea a Bucarest è a favore di ogni iniziativa diplomatica che favorisca un sollecito, trasparente e pacifico percorso democratico ed eviti lo stallo nel Paese nel primario interesse di tutto il popolo venezuelano e della numerosa comunità italiana che vi risiede e auspica infine che ogni sforzo collettivo sia mirato a non alimentare le divisioni interne al Paese e nell’ambito della Comunità internazionale”.
All’indomani del voto al Parlamento europeo che lo ha riconosciuto, con una risoluzione non legislativa, come legittimo presidente ad interim del Venezuela, il leader dell’Assemblea nazionale Guaidò ha rilasciato un’intervista al Tg2 lanciando un invito all’Italia “a fare la cosa giusta”. Nell’intervista Guaidò ha sottolineato che “Maduro ha perso il controllo del Paese e la popolazione sta soffrendo”, ricordando che “il 90% della popolazione vuole il cambiamento e scommette sulla democrazia”. Quindi ha parlato di “70 giovani assassinati in una settimana dal Faes (le forze speciali di polizia) e 700 persone in carcere, 80 minorenni addirittura bambini”. Poi, rispondendo a una domanda riguardo alle dichiarazioni del sottosegretario Manlio Di Stefano, che ha avvisato sul rischio di fare in Venezuela lo stesso errore fatto in Libia, Guaidò ha tagliato corto spiegando che “in Venezuela non è possibile una nuova Libia”, invitando “il sottosegretario a informarsi su quello che sta succedendo adesso” nel Paese. I Cinquestelle, dal canto loro, tirano dritti: “Noi non vogliamo arrivare al punto di riconoscere un soggetto che non è stato votato dal popolo come presidente“, ha detto Luigi Di Maio. Linea ribadita anche dal sottosegretario Di Stefano. “Non è un dialogo a due” ha detto all’Adnkronos.
LA RICOSTRUZIONE – L’Italia ieri ha respinto nell’ambito dell’Unione Europea una proposta di compromesso, avanzata dalla Svezia, per un riconoscimento implicito di Juan Guaidò come presidente ad interim del Venezuela fino a nuove elezioni. Lo afferma l’agenzia Europa Press, sulla base di informazioni fornite da una fonte diplomatica europea. Gli stati membri dell’Ue, prosegue Europa Press, continuano ad essere divisi su un riconoscimento esplicito dell’autoproclamato presidente ad interim, sia per motivi legali che per motivi politici. “Chiaramente c’è un numero di stati membri che hanno riserve e non sono disposti a riconoscere Guaidò come presidente ad interim”, spiegano all’agenzia fonti al corrente delle discussioni tenute ieri a Bucarest. Spagna, Francia, Regno Unito e Germania dovrebbero riconoscere Guaidò a partire da lunedì, quando scadrà il termine di 8 giorni indicato dai Paesi per la convocazione di nuove elezioni da parte di Nicolas Maduro. Portogallo, Polonia, Belgio e Paesi Bassi si sarebbero allineati all”ultimatum’. A riconoscere Guaidò potrebbero essere anche Danimarca e Repubblica Ceca. Oltre all’Italia, a dire no al riconoscimento esplicito sarebbero anche Austria, Grecia, Cipro e Slovacchia. Il Lussemburgo, invece, ha evidenziato la necessità di valutare “le conseguenze giuridiche” dell’atto. La Svezia, invece, si atterrebbe al principio secondo cui “si riconoscono gli stati, non le personalità”.
PRESIDENTE COLOMBIA, A DITTATURA POCHISSIMO TEMPO – “Alla dittatura del Venezuela restano pochissime ore, perché c’è un nuovo regime istituzionale che si sta creando grazie al lavoro svolto dalla Colombia con altri Paesi”. Sono le parole del presidente colombiano Ivan Duque, riportate dall’edizione online del quotidiano El Tiempo.
L’Italia ieri è stato l’unico Peasi dei 28 a bloccare una proposta di compromesso Ue sul Venezuela, avanzata dalla ministra degli Esteri svedese Margot Wallstrom, con cui si accettava il ruolo di Juan Guaidò come presidente ad interim fino a nuove elezioni. La discussione è avvenuta alla riunione dei capi delle diplomazie Ue a Bucarest. La notizia è stata diffusa dall’agenzia spagnola Europapress e confermata all’ANSA da fonti diplomatiche europee. Non si sarebbe trattato di un riconoscimento formale di Guaidò, ma implicito.
Il presidente venezuelano Nicolás Maduro, ha assicurato oggi che rimane “fermo” e sicuro di uscire “vincitore” dal “colpo di Stato” contro il suo governo. In un discorso a Macarao, ad ovest di Caracas, dopo aver passato in rassegna uomini della Guardia nazionale bolivariana (Gnb) che parteciperanno alle manovre civico-militari previste fra il 10 ed il 15 febbraio, il capo dello Stato ha assicurato: “Resto fermo e posso dirvi che vinceremo in questa battaglia storica e in futuro diremo che è valsa la pena di lottare”.
“Maduro ha perso il controllo del paese e la popolazione sta soffrendo. Ci sono 70 giovani assassinati in una settimana dal faes, le forze speciali di polizia, e 700 persone in carcere, 80 minorenni addirittura bambini”. E’ la denuncia di Juan Guaidó, il presidente dell’Assemblea nazionale autoproclamatosi in Venezuela capo dell’esecutivo, sulla situazione nel Paese, in un’intervista al Tg2.
“Evidentemente c’è una scarsa conoscenza di ciò che sta accadendo. Invito il sottosegretario agli esteri a informarsi, un’altra Libia qui non è possibile”, afferma Guaidò, rispondendo al Tg2 ad una domanda sulle parole di Manlio Di Stefano che, annunciando la contrarietà dell’Italia a riconoscerlo come leader venezuelano, ha invitato ad evitare “lo stesso errore fatto in Libia”. “Invitiamo l’Italia a fare la la cosa corretta perché i giorni qui si contano in vite che si perdono”, ha detto Guaidò sottolineando l’importanza del riconoscimento da parte dell’europarlamento.
“Visto che siamo già stati scottati dalle ingerenze in altri Stati non vogliamo arrivare al punto di riconoscere soggetti che non sono stati votati. Per questo non riconosciamo neppure Maduro e per questo l’Italia continua a perseguire la via diplomatica e di mediazione con tutti gli Stati per arrivare ad un processo che porti a nuove elezioni ma senza ultimatum e senza riconoscere soggetti che non sono stati eletti”, fa sapere il vicepremier Luigi Di Maio parlando in Aula alla Camera della situazione venezuelana e confermando le preoccupazioni del M5s di favorire la guerra civile. “Il cambiamento lo decidono i venezuelani: dobbiamo creare i presupposti per favorire nuove elezioni”, ha aggiunto il vicepremier.
Guaidó ha dichiarato di avere intenzione di sfidare un divieto posto dal governo organizzando l’invio dall’estero nel Paese di una grande quantità di aiuto umanitario. In una intervista con l’agenzia di stampa Ap, Guaidó ha indicato che si tratterà essenzialmente di medicine che saranno messe a disposizione da Nazioni della regione.
L’iniziativa, ha aggiunto, sarà un “nuovo test” per i militari del Venezuela, che finora si sono schierati dalla parte del capo dello Stato, Nicolas Maduro. Guaidó ha quindi precisato che si tratterà di medicine essenziali per salvare la vita che sono scarse in Venezuela, e che giungeranno a diversi punti di frontiera dopo essere state caricate su navi di “Paesi amici. Non stiamo pensando solo agli Stati Uniti. E nei prossimi giorni annunceremo una coalizione globale che manderà aiuti in Venezuela”.
«The policies proposed by Brazil’s new President, Jair Bolsonaro, threaten a human rights and environmental catastrophe with global implications. ….
As an international community of NGOs, we call on President Bolsonaro to use his position not just as a national leader, but as a global leader, to fulfil Brazil’s global responsibilities to protect human rights, democracy and the environment, and to honour the agreements and conventions it has signed up to Governments and the international business community must work to do the same.»
* * * * * * *
Questo lunedì sei gennaio emette un provvedimento sulle ngo.
«Brazil’s right-wing President Jair Bolsonaro said on Monday that funding of nongovernmental organizations working in the country will be rigidly controlled, reflecting increased oversight by the new government over such groups.
Government Secretary Carlos dos Santos Cruz, a retired Army general, said in a local interview published on Monday that the aim is to determine whether the NGOs are fulfilling their role of complementing government actions and not to restrict their activities in Brazil.»
* * *
«Funding of nongovernmental organizations working in Brazil will be rigidly controlled, President Jair Bolsonaro said on Monday, reflecting increased oversight by his new right-wing administration over such groups»
«Plans to boost scrutiny over public funds that NGOs receive has raised concern that their activities might be restricted by a nationalist government»
«The responsibility for monitoring NGOs has been put in the hands of Government Secretary Carlos dos Santos Cruz, a retired Army general who said the initiative will help determine whether the organizations are fulfilling their role of carrying out work that complements government actions»
* * * * * * *
«This is the beginning of Brazil’s liberation from socialism, political correctness and a bloated state»
Funding of nongovernmental organizations working in Brazil will be rigidly controlled, President Jair Bolsonaro said on Monday, reflecting increased oversight by his new right-wing administration over such groups.
Plans to boost scrutiny over public funds that NGOs receive has raised concern that their activities might be restricted by a nationalist government that has criticized foreign interference in the Amazon region.
The responsibility for monitoring NGOs has been put in the hands of Government Secretary Carlos dos Santos Cruz, a retired Army general who said the initiative will help determine whether the organizations are fulfilling their role of carrying out work that complements government actions.
An executive order issued last week gave the new administration potentially far-reaching and restrictive powers over NGOs.
“The government’s intention is to optimize the use of public funds and bring more benefits” to people assisted by the NGOs, Cruz said in an interview published on Monday on the G1 news portal.
He denied the intention was to restrict their activity.
“The plan is not to interfere in the life of the organizations or restrict anything. But it’s public money. There needs to be transparency and there needs to be results,” Cruz said.
Leaders of NGOs that work in Brazil, such as Jose Miguel Vivanco, director of the Americas division of Human Rights Watch, said the decree on NGOs could be viewed in a positive light, but also expressed concerns.
If the new rules “facilitate a constructive relationship between international civil society groups and the government,” that is positive. But Vivanco said he was also worried about how far the Bolsonaro government will go in monitoring the groups.
Rules to increase oversight over NGOs was one of Bolsonaro’s very first acts after he was sworn in on Jan. 1.
Bolsonaro’s temporary decree, which expires unless it is ratified within 120 days by Congress, gives Cruz’s office the power to “supervise, coordinate, monitor and accompany the activities and actions of international organizations and nongovernmental organizations in the national territory.”
Per decine di anni i liberal socialisti hanno sistematicamente ostracizzato chiunque non la avesse pensata come loro pensavano. Mr Buttiglione fu bocciato alla carica di Commissario europeo perché era cattolico: solo per fare un esempio eclamptico.
Ma ovunque vi fosse stato un pubblico concorso, per esempio nelle università, passavano esclusivamente i candidati liberal socialisti. Non parliamo poi degli appalti.
«complesso di manifestazioni o atteggiamenti di intolleranza originati da profondi e radicati pregiudizî sociali ed espressi attraverso forme di disprezzo ed emarginazione nei confronti di individui o gruppi appartenenti a comunità etniche e culturali diverse, spesso ritenute inferiori».
È vero: i liberal socialisti sono razzisti nel midollo.
Ma i tempi stanno cambiando: gli Elettori non li votano più. I partiti ed i movimenti politici ‘sovranisti‘, ‘populisti‘, chiamiamoli pure come si voglia, li stanno sostituendo al potere.
Bene. Come nel 1945 si procedette all’epurazione dei collusi con fascismo e nazionalsocialismo, adesso si può iniziare a procedere negli stati che si sono liberati dalla loro dittatura.
«President Jair Bolsonaro has authorized the dismissal of civil servants who don’t share his government’s far-right ideology.»
«The sweep will target officials deemed sympathetic to Brazil’s centrist and left-wing parties.»
«Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro’s administration on Thursday launched a purge of government officials who don’t share its far-right ideology.»
«Bolsonaro authorized the dismissal of some 300 officials on temporary contracts.»
«The government “will clean the house”»
«It’s the only way to govern with our ideas, our concepts and to carry out what Brazil’s society decided in its majority»
«The sweep will target officials who are seen as sympathetic to the centrist and left-wing parties that have ruled Brazil since 1985»
«Bolsonaro said now that he had taken power, his country had been “liberated from socialism and political correctness.”»
«to do away with the Socialist and Communist ideas that during 30 years have led us to the chaos in which we live.»
«doesn’t make sense to have a government with a profile like ours to keep on people who support another way of thinking, another political system»
* * * * * * *
E siamo solo agli inizi. Solo e soltanto agli inizi.
President Jair Bolsonaro has authorized the dismissal of civil servants who don’t share his government’s far-right ideology. The sweep will target officials deemed sympathetic to Brazil’s centrist and left-wing parties.
Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro’s administration on Thursday launched a purge of government officials who don’t share its far-right ideology.
Bolsonaro authorized the dismissal of some 300 officials on temporary contracts.
“It’s the only way to govern with our ideas, our concepts and to carry out what Brazil’s society decided in its majority,” said Lorenzoni, who is seen as the second most powerful member of the executive after Bolsonaro.
The sweep will target officials who are seen as sympathetic to the centrist and left-wing parties that have ruled Brazil since 1985, when the country got rid of military dictatorship.
In an address to the nation earlier in the week, Bolsonaro said now that he had taken power, his country had been “liberated from socialism and political correctness.”
Lorenzoni said the ideological purge of contractors aimed “to do away with the Socialist and Communist ideas that during 30 years have led us to the chaos in which we live.”
Bolsonaro and his team have often described their rival parties, in particular the left-wing Workers Party that governed between 2003 and 2016, as “socialists” or “communists.”
“It doesn’t make sense to have a government with a profile like ours to keep on people who support another way of thinking, another political system,” Lorenzoni said, adding that some of those dismissed might be rehired if they passed an “evaluation” of their ideological leanings.
The purge will not affect those civil servants who enter the services through a competitive exam and are protected from partisan politics by the constitution.
Come era nelle aspettative, Mr Bolsonaro ha un tenuto all’atto dell’insediamento come Presidente del Brasile un discorso di dieci minuti, durante i quali ha detto quasi tutto ciò che c’era da dirsi.
«This is the beginning of Brazil’s liberation from socialism, political correctness and a bloated state»
«the distortion of human rights and the breakdown of the family»
«economic irresponsibility and ideological submission.»
«There are hundreds of bureaucratic governing bodies across Brazil, of regulators as well. … We have to untangle the mess»
«Brazil would no longer serve the interests of international non-governmental organizations»
* * * * * * *
Mr Bolsonaro porta il Brasile sulla scia della Polonia, dell’Ungheria e delle altre nazioni che si sono liberate dalla tirannide liberal socialista e delle ngo apparentate. Basta ‘politicamente corretto‘
Già questo sarebbe un risultato ottimo.
Il Brasile ha un ottimo sistema carcerario, ove già sono affiliati Mr Lula e molti suoi compagni. Ma c’è spazio anche per i moltissimi liberal socialisti ancora a piede libero: ma, nel caso, si possono costruire nuovi edifici.
La disinfestazione del Brasile richiederà tempo e fatica, ma l’inizio apparirebbe essere ben determinato.
«Brazil’s newly inaugurated President Jair Bolsonaro said on Tuesday his election had freed the country from “socialism and political correctness,” and he vowed to tackle corruption, crime and economic mismanagement in Latin America’s largest nation. ….
While investors hope Bolsonaro’s free-market stance will reinvigorate Brazil’s economy – the eight largest in the world – environmentalists and rights groups are worried he will roll back protections for the Amazon rain forest and loosen gun controls»
«This is the beginning of Brazil’s liberation from socialism, political correctness and a bloated state»
«We have the great challenge of taking on the effects of an economic crisis, of facing the distortion of human rights and the breakdown of the family»
«We must urgently end ideologies that defend criminals and penalize police»
«free the nation definitively from the yoke of corruption, crime, economic irresponsibility and ideological submission.»
«The government machine is really heavy, …. There are hundreds of bureaucratic governing bodies across Brazil, of regulators as well. … We have to untangle the mess»
«Brazil’s new President Jair Bolsonaro has used an executive order to give his government secretary potentially far-reaching and restrictive powers over non-governmental organizations working in Brazil. »
«The temporary decree …. which mandates that the office of the Government Secretary …. “supervise, coordinate, monitor and accompany the activities and actions of international organizations and non-governmental organizations in the national territory.”»
«his election had freed the country from “socialism and political correctness.”»
Il Brasile è uscito dal lungo tunnel oscuro di governi socialisti. Mr Lula è stato affiliato ad un carcere mandamentale per scontare una lunga condanna detentiva per corruzione e Mrs Rousseff, destituita per impeachment dalla carica presidenziale, è sotto giudizio per corruzione. Associazione per delinquere.
È questa una severa sconfitta dei liberal, sia americani sia europei: le sinistre hanno perso il governo dei grandi paesi occidentali. Le conseguenze su scala internazionali dovrebbero prender corpo a breve termine, per esempio movendo l’Ambasciata brasiliana in Israele da Tel Aviv a Gerusalemme.
Mr Bolsonaro ha in programma tagli alle imposte, privatizzazioni e liberalizzazioni di servizi a controllo statale, mentre in campo di politica estera propugna un riavvicinamento agli Stati Uniti del Presidente Trump.
L’articolo della Bbc è tutto un programma di lamenti di liberal senza più potere.
«A far-right former army captain will be sworn in as Brazil’s new president later on Tuesday. Jair Bolsonaro, 63, won the presidential election by a wide margin against Fernando Haddad of the left-wing Workers’ Party on 28 October»
L’unica cosa vera di queste frasi è che Mr Bolsonaro il 28 ottobre 2018 è stato eletto con la maggioranza del 55.13% dei voti.
Si noti l’aggettivazione usata:
«A far-right former army captain …. Fernando Haddad of the left-wing Workers’ Party»
Nei fatti il partito del lavoratori è un’estrema sinistra, mentre Mr Bolsonaro sarebbe piuttosto un centrista: sicuramente non è persona di ‘estrema destra‘. Ma questa aggettivazione è di uso stereotipato liberal: chi non la pensasse come loro è etichettato come ultradestra, cui si associano tutte le altre aggettivazioni di rito.
Non contenti di aver perso le elezioni, i liberal della Bbc imputano a Mr Bolsonaro tutti quelli che loro considerano essere eresie e peccati mortali, ossia proprio quelli lottando contro i quali Mr Bolsonaro ha vinto le elezioni. I liberal non sanno costituzionalmente imparare dai propri errori.
«he has proven a deeply divisive figure whose racist, homophobic and misogynistic remarks have angered many»
Con tutti i problemi sociali, economici e politici che travagliano un Brasile appena uscito da un decennio di malgoverno socialista, o liberal trovano Mr Bolsonaro reo di essere:
La frase termina simpaticamente con questo enunciato:
– «remarks have angered many»
Ma quale “many“? Se Mr Bolsonaro ha vinto, e bene, le elezioni presidenziali la maggioranza sta dalla sua parte.
Il fatto è che i liberal apprezzano la democrazia solo quando vincono le elezioni: se le perdono, si tratta evidentemente di un colpo di stato che ha esautorato dal potere gli illuminati.
Ripetiamo. A nostro sommesso parere il Brasile ha grandi problemi da risolvere e sfide da vincere, ed i problemi sessuali sembrerebbero essere presenti solo nella mente patologica dei liberal.
Poi, gli Elettori hanno espresso il loro parere nelle urne, e noi ossequiamo le scelte fatte dal Popolo sovrano.
I liberal, sia quelli democratici americani sia quelli socialisti europei, hanno per decenni imposto la propria visione giuspositivista per cui la stato può deliberare ciò che voglia. L’ammettere il pluralismo etico esita nel fatto che diventa etica di riferimento quella di quanti abbiano il potere di imporla.
Ma allora al cambio di governo consegue il campo dell’etica di riferimento.
Nulla da stupirsi quindi se un governo opposto ai liberal inserisse nuovamente l’omosessualità nei ranghi delle patologie psichiatriche e la prevedesse con reato iscritto nel codice penale.
He has been a member of several political parties but is currently in the Social Liberal Party (PSL), which has grown from having a tiny presence in Congress to becoming the party with the second largest number of deputies in the lower house.
Before becoming a politician, Mr Bolsonaro served in Brazil’s military, where he was a paratrooper and rose to the rank of captain.
How close are his ties to the military?
Very. During his time as a lawmaker, Mr Bolsonaro represented the interests of the armed forces and since his election he has named seven former military men to key ministries.
He has also expressed nostalgia for the time when Brazil was under military rule and the hard-line policies enforced during the period in which thousands were jailed and tortured.
He has praised that era as a “glorious period” in Brazil’s history.
Why has his election caused such a stir?
Brazil only returned to democracy in 1985 after more than 20 years under military rule and some critics see his election as a threat to the country’s democracy.
Since being elected, Mr Bolsonaro has repeatedly stated that he is committed to democracy and that he will abide by Brazil’s constitution.
But previous comments he has made endorsing the use of torture and disparaging women, gay people and Afro-Brazilians have left many Brazilians worried.
The election campaign which brought him to power has left the country deeply divided into those who see him as the man to put Brazil onto the right track after massive corruption scandals rocked the country and those who fear he could lead Brazil into an authoritarian future.
What are his key policies?
Mr Bolsonaro’s key campaign promises were to drive down crime and to stamp out corruption, which has seen scores of top businessmen and high-ranking politicians, including former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, jailed.
«U.S. President Donald Trump’s national security adviser John Bolton met Brazil’s far-right President-elect Jair Bolsonaro on Thursday to draw closer the two biggest economies in the Americas, whose leaders are ideologically in lockstep.
The rise of Bolsonaro, a one-time Army captain who spent nearly three decades in Congress, stunned Brazil’s political establishment in an echo of the upset Trump delivered by capturing the White House two years ago. Bolsonaro was easily elected last month by voters enraged over endemic political corruption and an economy still sputtering after enduring its worst recession in a century.
Bolton tweeted after the meeting that he had extended Trump’s invitation for the Brazilian leader to visit the United States and that the one-hour meeting was “wide-ranging” and “very productive.”
Bolsonaro, who takes office on Jan. 1, is an ardent admirer and shrewd imitator of Trump»
«U.S. President Donald Trump has invited Brazil’s President-elect Jair Bolsonaro to the United States, National Security Advisor John Bolton tweeted on Thursday following a meeting with the right-wing former army captain, who takes office in January.
Bolton described the meeting, which included members of Bolsonaro’s national security team, as “wide-ranging” and “very productive.”»
«President-elect Jair Bolsonaro has reiterated that he plans to move Brazil’s embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, joining the United States and Guatemala.
The Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, quickly welcomed the plan.
In a tweet Thursday, Bolsonaro said: “As previously stated during our campaign, we intend to transfer the Brazilian Embassy from Tel-Aviv to Jerusalem. Israel is a sovereign state and we shall duly respect that.”
It was the first time since being elected Sunday that Bolsonaro referred to his plan to move the embassy.
In Israel, Netanyahu issued a statement praising Bolsonaro. “I congratulate my friend Brazilian President-Elect, Jair Bolsonaro, for his intention to move the Brazilian Embassy to Jerusalem, a historic, correct and exciting step!”»
* * *
Di questi giorni Mr Bolsaro ha rilasciato altre importanti dichiarazioni, questa volta sul ‘clima’.
«Far-right president-elect Jair Bolsonaro said on Wednesday that he pushed the Brazilian government to withdraw its offer to host the United Nations climate conference next year, maintaining that Brazil’s sovereignty over the Amazon was at stake»
«I told my future foreign minister to avoid hosting this event here in Brazil»
«Bolsonaro has threatened to follow the lead of U.S. President Donald Trump and yank Brazil out of the Paris climate agreement, which was the reason, along with high cost, Bolsonaro gave for not wanting to host the November 2019 conference»
«The ‘Triple A’ is at play in that accord, …. What is the ‘Triple A’? It’s a big strip between the Andes, Amazon and Atlantic … that could result in our losing sovereignty over the area. The idea is to turn it into a ecological corridor»
* * * * * * * *
Il mondo sta cambiando molto velocemente. Sta attuandosi quella che è definita essere la devoluzione dell’ideologia liberal socialista. Vi saranno degli alti e dei bassi, ma il trend sembrerebbe essere stato segnato.
«Two events within the last 24 hours underscore that trend. On Sunday, Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro — a far-right firebrand who has expressed fondness for his country’s past military dictatorship — won Brazil’s presidential election. And on Monday, German Chancellor Angela Merkel announced she would be resigning imminently as the head of her center-right party and stepping down from power completely in 2021. That coincides with the rise of anti-immigrant parties in her country and Europe more generally.»
Far-right president-elect Jair Bolsonaro said on Wednesday that he pushed the Brazilian government to withdraw its offer to host the United Nations climate conference next year, maintaining that Brazil’s sovereignty over the Amazon was at stake.
Bolsonaro, in Brasilia planning his government’s transition for when he takes power on Jan. 1, told reporters that “I participated in the decision” – announced earlier Wednesday by the Foreign Ministry, which cited high costs.
“I told my future foreign minister to avoid hosting this event here in Brazil,” Bolsonaro said. The next foreign minister, Ernesto Araújo, has said climate change was part of a plot against western economic growth.
Bolsonaro has threatened to follow the lead of U.S. President Donald Trump and yank Brazil out of the Paris climate agreement, which was the reason, along with high cost, Bolsonaro gave for not wanting to host the November 2019 conference.
“The ‘Triple A’ is at play in that accord,” Bolsonaro said. “What is the ‘Triple A’? It’s a big strip between the Andes, Amazon and Atlantic … that could result in our losing sovereignty over the area. The idea is to turn it into a ecological corridor.”
Last month, the Foreign Ministry announced Brazil’s offer to host the event in a press release, saying the meeting would work out final details of the Paris agreement and for signatory countries to fully implement its demands by 2020.
Hosting the event would have confirmed Brazil’s “role as a world leader on sustainable development issues, especially in relation to climate change.”
Brazil, which has 60 percent of the Amazon rainforest within its borders, a biome scientists consider one of nature’s best defenses against global warming as it acts as a giant carbon sink, has made significant strides in the past 15 years to curtail destruction of the jungle.
However, Brazil’s government reported last week that annual deforestation levels had hit their highest level in a decade.
The environmental group Observatorio da Clima said on its website that the decision to withdraw its offer to host the event is “not the first and will not be the last awful news from Jair Bolsonaro on this theme.”
Bolsonaro had also sought to combine the environmental and agricultural ministries but later retreated from that proposal.
«Jerusalem remains to this day an obstacle to peace between Israel and Palestine. In 1980, Israel declared the whole city its “eternal and indivisible capital.” After Jordan gave up its claim to the West Bank and East Jerusalem in 1988, the state of Palestine was proclaimed. Palestine also declares, in theory, Jerusalem as its capital.»
But on Wednesday, Guatemala joined the U.S. in moving its embassy to Jerusalem.
More countries are preparing to make the leap. Paraguay‘s Foreign Ministry announced that its embassy will also relocate to Jerusalem, while the Czech Republic, Romania and Honduras reportedly considering the move.
These smaller countries, especially those in Latin America, may be looking to cement good relations with the U.S. in hopes of preserving foreign aid and trading status. Some are also enhancing relationships with Israel, which has courted some of them with aid and even arms sales. ….
Si faccia molta attenzione. Una cosa è compiere per opportunità un qualche atto che fu tipico dei governi socialisti, ed una diametralmente opposta è farla costi quel che costi perché compulsi dall’ideologia.
The president-elect has said he plans to honor his campaign pledge to move the country’s embassy in Israel out of Tel Aviv. Brazil will join the United States and Guatemala in making the controversial move.
Brazilian president-elect Jair Bolsonaro said on Thursday he plans to move the country’s embassy in Israel to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv.
“As previously stated during our campaign, we intend to transfer the Brazilian Embassy from Tel-Aviv to Jerusalem. Israel is a sovereign state and we shall duly respect that,” Bolsonaro tweeted.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu welcomed Bolsonaro’s plan.
“I congratulate my friend Brazilian President-Elect, Jair Bolsonaro, for his intention to move the Brazilian Embassy to Jerusalem, a historic, correct and exciting step,” Netanyahu said in a statement.
The Palestinians regard the eastern sector of Jerusalem — which Israel annexed in the 1967 Middle East war — as the capital of a future Palestine state. Israel claims the entire city, including the eastern sector where key holy sites for Christians, Muslims and Jews are located, as its capital.
Most countries maintain embassies in Tel Aviv, saying the final status of Jerusalem must be determined through negotiations.
Some Brazilians have raised concerns about Bolsonaro’s plan, saying it would hurt Brazil’s relations with Muslim nations.
Se i liberal socialisti non avessero scaricato su Mr Bolsonaro tutti gli insulti per loro più urenti, dal ‘fascista‘ all”omofobo‘, lo avremmo ritenuto essere solo un mediocre.
Il fatto poi che i liberal socialisti abbiano cercato di assassinarlo, e c’erano quasi riusciti, è stato un altro segno notevole del suo valore.
«Il risultato del voto in Brasile segna anche una nuova sconfitta per i partiti e i leader protagonisti della cosiddetta “marea rosa” progressista che investì l’America Latina all’inizio del secolo XXI, dopo le vittorie elettorali del centrodestra in Argentina, Cile, Perù e Colombia»
«The key question will be Bolsonaro’s ability to unify a deeply divided nation and to forge a majority in congress to pass austerity measures. A bitter campaign shook the underpinnings of a democracy that has existed only since 1985. Anger and political violence have surged and Bolsonaro himself was stabbed by a fanatic in September and campaigned from his hospital bed.
While Bolsonaro’s Social Liberal Party surged in the Oct. 7 congressional vote to become the second-largest force in the lower house, it still has only 52 out of 513 seats. And managing a ruling coalition isn’t easy in a congress with 30 political parties.
While Bolsonaro’s party is likely to form a majority coalition, it still won’t be easy to push through his agenda, said Senator Fernando Bezerra Coelho, the current majority whip in the upper house.
“There’s a hard core against reforms in the chamber, including some deputies from Bolsonaro’s camp,” said Bezerra. “He’ll have to negotiate.”»
«Jair Bolsonaro swept to power in Brazil’s presidential election Sunday, marking a hard pivot to the right that promises to open up the resource-rich economy to private investment, strengthen ties to the U.S. and unleash an aggressive crackdown on epidemic crime.»
Lo ha semidistrutto eticamente, moralmente, socialmente ed economicamente.
Nessuno si illuda che Mr Bolsonaro possa far tornare ordine e prosperità in poco tempo: serviranno degli anni.
Ci rincuorano però le frasi finali dell’articolo della Bbc.
«And the US president’s spokeswoman, Sarah Sanders, said on Sunday: “President Trump called President-elect Bolsonaro of Brazil this evening to congratulate him and the Brazilian people on today’s elections. Both expressed a strong commitment to work side by side to improve the lives of the people of the United States and Brazil.”
Meanwhile, Amnesty International said that taking into account his campaign pledges, Mr Bolsonaro’s victory could pose a “huge risk” to Brazil’s indigenous peoples, LGBT communities, black youth, women, activists and civil society organisations.»
Serve una buona dose di spiritello sassone far seguire al Presidente Trump Amnesty International.
Ma quando poi leggiamo di cosa Amnesty International sia preoccupata:
«Brazil’s indigenous peoples, LGBT communities, black youth, women, activists and civil society organisations»
ci viene da sorridere: con tutti i problemi seri questi sembrerebbero essere dei non-problemi.
Le ideologie liberal e socialista sono morte, ma non sono ancora morti i loro supporter.
Con il 99,61% dei voti scrutinati, Jair Bolsonaro risulta vincitore del ballottaggio delle elezioni presidenziali in Brasile con il 55,20% dei voti, contro il 44,80% ottenuti da Fernando Haddad, candidato del Partito dei Lavoratori (Pt), un vantaggio equivalente a circa 11 milioni dei voti.
“Cambieremo il destino del Brasile. Vi offriremo un governo degno che lavorerà per tutti i brasiliani”. Lo ha detto Jair Bolsonaro, nel suo primo discorso da neopresidente del Brasile.
Il primo messaggio dopo la vittoria Bolsonaro lo ha affidato a Facebook, come ha spesso fatto anche durante la campagna elettorale. Un breve video, trasmesso sui social dal suo appartamento di Barra de Tijuca, quartiere residenziale dell’ovest di Rio de Janeiro. “Sono molto grato a tutti voi, per la vostra considerazione, le vostre preghiere e la vostra fiducia”, ha detto l’ex militare, aggiungendo che “adesso, tutti insieme, cambieremo il destino del Brasile: sapevamo dove stavamo andando, e ora sappiamo cosa dobbiamo fare”. Il Brasile, ha sottolineato, “non poteva continuare a flirtare con il socialismo, il comunismo, il populismo e l’estremismo della sinistra” e ora “la verità comincerà a regnare in ogni casa del paese, cominciando dal suo punto più alto, che è la presidenza della Repubblica”, perché “il Brasile ha tutto quello che serve per essere una grande nazione”.
La quarta democrazia più grande del mondo sarà governata da un ex ufficiale dei paracadutisti denunciato da molti come una “minaccia fascista”: Jair Bolsonaro è stato eletto presidente del Brasile, battendo il suo rivale Fernando Haddad di almeno 10 punti, il 55% dei voti. Una vittoria immediatamente salutata in Italia dal leader della Lega Matteo Salvini: “Anche in Brasile – ha twittato – i cittadini hanno mandato a casa la sinistra! Buon lavoro al presidente Bolsonaro, l’amicizia tra i nostri popoli e i nostri governi sarà ancora più forte”. Ed ha aggiunto: “Dopo anni di chiacchiere, chiederò che ci rimandino in Italia il terrorista rosso Battisti”. Intanto in Brasile, da Rio de Janeiro a San Paolo, sono scesi in piazza migliaia di simpatizzanti. Malgrado la rimonta registrata negli ultimi giorni da Haddad – l’erede politico scelto da Lula da Silva come candidato del Partito dei Lavoratori (Pt) – i risultati del ballottaggio hanno confermato le previsioni dei sondaggi, che davano Bolsonaro come favorito anche prima del primo turno delle presidenziali, lo scorso 7 ottobre. La vittoria di Bolsonaro rappresenta una frattura storica per il Brasile, dopo una fase di quattro governi consecutivi del Pt, chiusasi nell’agosto del 2016 con l’impeachment di Dilma Rousseff, e il breve intermezzo dell’amministrazione di Michel Temer, che arriva alla fine del suo mandato battendo tutti i record storici di impopolarità. Il risultato del voto in Brasile segna anche una nuova sconfitta per i partiti e i leader protagonisti della cosiddetta “marea rosa” progressista che investì l’America Latina all’inizio del secolo XXI, dopo le vittorie elettorali del centrodestra in Argentina, Cile, Perù e Colombia e le derive autoritarie in Venezuela e Nicaragua. Bolsonaro, un deputato che è passato per otto partiti diversi in quasi due decenni di attività parlamentare e fino a poco fa era considerato un personaggio eccentrico, noto per le sue dichiarazioni polemiche a favore della dittatura militare e la tortura e contro le donne e le minoranze razziali, etniche e sessuali, è diventato in pochi mesi il leader che ha cavalcato il crescente malessere di grandi fasce della società brasiliana. La crisi economica iniziata nel secondo governo di Dilma Rousseff, la più grave della storia brasiliana, gli scandali di corruzione politica che hanno colpito i principali partiti politici – e portato in carcere Lula – e l’escalation della violenza criminale nel paese hanno alimentato un sentimento di esasperazione diffusa, che ha portato i brasiliani a scegliere un candidato che si è presentato come un outsider “contro” l’establishment politico. Il ballottaggio è diventato anche una sorta di gioco della torre elettorale: il Brasile si è diviso fra chi voleva evitare il “pericolo fascista” rappresentato da una vittoria di Bolsonaro e chi era disposto a votare qualunque candidato che impedisse un ritorno al potere del Pt, in un clima di forte polarizzazione delle posizioni. Haddad è partito in svantaggio, giacché il Pt ha scelto di spingere fino all’ultimo termine possibile la candidatura di Lula – bocciata dalle autorità elettorali a causa della sua condanna a 12 anni per corruzione – e non è riuscito né a spostare sulla sua candidatura i voti assicurati dal suo mentore politico né ad ottenere l’appoggio di leader politici di altri partiti per lanciare il suo progetto di “unità democratica” contro Bolsonaro.
Far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro has won a sweeping victory in Brazil’s presidential election.
Mr Bolsonaro won 55.2% of the votes cast against 44.8% for Fernando Haddad from the left-wing Workers’ Party (PT), election officials said.
Mr Bolsonaro campaigned on a promise to eradicate corruption and to drive down Brazil’s high crime levels.
The election campaign has been deeply divisive. Each camp argued that victory for the other could destroy Brazil.
What does it mean?
Mr Bolsonaro’s victory constitutes a markedly rightward swing in the largest democracy in Latin America, which was governed by the PT for 13 years between 2003 and 2016.
For the past two years, the country has been led by a conservative, Michel Temer, following the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff. But Mr Temer has proven deeply unpopular with Brazilians.
With the outgoing president’s approval rating at a record low of 2%, voters clamoured for change but they were deeply divided on which way that change should go.
Mr Bolsonaro’s 10-percentage-point victory means the vision he laid out to voters of a Brazil where law and order and family values would be made the priority won out.
Who is Bolsonaro and what is he likely to do once in office?
The 63-year-old is a retired army officer and member of the Social Liberal Party (PSL), an anti-establishment group that combines social conservatism and pro-market policies.
Mr Bolsonaro is a deeply polarizing figure whose remarks on a range of issues – including abortion, race, migration and homosexuality – earned him the nickname of “Trump of the Tropics”.
He has the past defended the killing of opponents to the country’s former military regime and said he is “in favour of dictatorship”.
But after the results came in, he told supporters he would be a “defender of democracy” and uphold the constitution.
One of his flagship policies is to restore security by relax gun laws and suggested that “every honest citizens” should be able to own a gun.
He has promised to reduce state intervention in the economy and indicated that Brazil could pull out of the 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change.
Mr Bolsonaro’s promise to “cleanse” Brazil of corruption has proved particularly popular in a country that has seen dozens of politicians from the mainstream parties jailed.
He takes over on 1 January 2019.
How did the vote break down?
Mr Haddad won in the north-east of Brazil, the heartland of the Workers’ Party and the stronghold of former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, whom Mr Haddad replaced on the Workers’ Party ticket after Lula was barred from running.
Even before the results came out, Mr Bolsonaro’s supporters were dancing for joy – so confident were they of victory.
His promises to get tough on rising crime and his claims of being a clean politician – in a country where many of his rivals have been mired in corruption scandals – have won him millions of admirers.
But his win is going to be a blow for millions.
His links to the military and admiration for the former dictatorship concern many Brazilians, as do his sexist, racist and homophobic remarks.
These are uncertain times, with many worried that – with Mr Bolsonaro in power – the gains made in Brazil since the country returned to democracy 30 years ago could be erased.
Does Mr Bolsonaro have backing in Congress?
Yes and no.
On the one hand, his PSL party achieved a remarkable breakthrough in this month’s legislative election, increasing its representation from one to 52 seats in the lower house.
However Mr Haddad’s PT remains the largest party, with 56 seats.
But most ominously for Mr Bolsonaro, there will be a record 30 parties represented in the next Congress.
This suggest that finding backing for legislation could be difficult for the new president.
What about reaction from outside Brazil?
A number of Latin American leaders congratulated Mr Bolsonaro:
Argentine President Mauricio Macri described the poll results as Mr Bolsonaro’s “triumph”
Chilean President Sebastián Piñera congratulated Brazilians for a “clean and democratic election”
Colombia’s Ivan Duque welcomed the result and called for the two countries’ “brotherly relations” to be strengthened further
Mexican outgoing President President Enrique Peña Nieto hailed Brazil’s “democratic strength”
Peru’s Martin Vizcarra wished Mr Bolsonaro “full success”
Venezuela’s Nicolás Maduro extended his “congratulations to the people of Brazil”
And the US president’s spokeswoman, Sarah Sanders, said on Sunday: “President Trump called President-elect Bolsonaro of Brazil this evening to congratulate him and the Brazilian people on today’s elections. Both expressed a strong commitment to work side by side to improve the lives of the people of the United States and Brazil.”
Meanwhile, Amnesty International said that taking into account his campaign pledges, Mr Bolsonaro’s victory could pose a “huge risk” to Brazil’s indigenous peoples, LGBT communities, black youth, women, activists and civil society organisations.
– The president-elect has promised to rule with an iron fist
– His win will please markets, but raises fear about democracy
Jair Bolsonaro swept to power in Brazil’s presidential election Sunday, marking a hard pivot to the right that promises to open up the resource-rich economy to private investment, strengthen ties to the U.S. and unleash an aggressive crackdown on epidemic crime.
The former army captain trounced Fernando Haddad, a leftist former Sao Paulo mayor whose Workers’ Party became synonymous with graft, winning 55 percent of the vote to Haddad’s 45 percent with almost all votes counted. His supporters thronged public places throughout the fifth-largest nation, celebrating with flags, music and fireworks. Brazilian assets surged.
“I make you my witnesses that this government will be a defender of the constitution, of democracy and of freedom,” Bolsonaro told a crowd of supporters in Rio de Janeiro. “This is a promise, not from a party, not the words of a man, it’s an oath to God.”
A little-known lawmaker for almost three decades, Bolsonaro, 63, drew public attention with tough talk. He promised to suppress the nation’s lawlessness by meeting violence with violence, insulted minorities and women, waxed nostalgic for Brazil’s dictatorship and expressed doubts about the electoral process itself. His unforgiving politics places him among nationalists such as Hungary’s Viktor Orban, Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines and Donald Trump in America, who called him shortly after his victory was declared.
To many, however, Bolsonaro is the best hope to revive an ailing economy and streamline an inefficient state.
“The biggest risk is an erosion of democracy, though I’m not apocalyptic,” said Michael Shifter, head of the Inter-American Dialogue in Washington. “The opportunity is that he could stop the economic hemorrhaging.”
Bolsonaro’s supporters on Sunday weren’t concerned with the finer points of political economy. A crowd surrounding his beachside home in Rio honked horns, sang the national anthem and waved the green-and-yellow flag. The music stopped abruptly when he spoke. One woman said to her husband, “look, the Myth is talking!” and they hustled toward a screen to watch.
“Liberty is a fundamental principle,” Bolsonaro said. “Liberty to walk freely in the streets throughout this country. Political and religious freedom. Liberty to inform and have opinions.”
“As a defender of liberty, I will guide a government that defends and protects the rights of the citizens.”
Since the height of Brazil’s commodity-driven boom nearly a decade ago, those citizens have seen millions of jobs evaporate, queues at hospitals grow and violence explode to the point that more than 60,000 people a year are murdered. For years, impatient voters have watched news reports of politicians and executives being caught with vast sums of taxpayer money in suitcases or Swiss bank accounts while roads and schools crumbled.
Haddad, a former education minister in addition to running the nation’s largest city, joined the race only after courts barred former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva thanks to his imprisonment on corruption charges. In the end, Haddad was unable to overcome that tainted legacy. He told a crowd in Sao Paulo that he had a responsibility to the 46 million people who supported his bid to oppose the next government to defend “national interests.”
“We must defend this nation from those who are disrespectfully seeking to usurp our legacy — civil rights, workers rights and social rights,” he said.
Bolsonaro aims to thwart corruption and downsize a costly state by selling scores of state-owned companies. He would cut corporate and individual taxes to kick-start the economy and push structural reforms such as capping pension spending and simplifying taxes. All that helped drive a rally in Brazilian assets over the past few weeks. The real has gained more than 10 percent this month, the second-best performing currency among those tracked by Bloomberg.
Bolsonaro’s economic advisers, led by University of Chicago-trained Paulo Guedes, plan to slash import barriers and embark on new free-trade talks. Guedes said Sunday night that the first order of business would be to fix the ailing pension system. Then, the government will turn to selling off assets.
“We are going to accelerate privatizations,” Guedes said.
If Bolsonaro’s plan succeeds, he could catalyze businesses in Brazil’s $2.1 trillion economy, the second-largest in the Americas behind the U.S.
“A lot of global money is going to look to Brazil,” said Hari Hariharan, chief executive officer at NWI Management LP in New York, which has been investing in Brazil since 1990. “If the fiscal situation is addressed, Brazil is going to be fantastic.”
Alberto Ramos, an economist at Goldman Sachs Group Inc., said that Bolsonaro’s solid win gives him a strong mandate and “the market is likely to react positively.”
It’s a far cry from 2005, when the region’s leftist leaders — Lula, Nestor Kirchner of Argentina and Hugo Chavez of Venezuela — rejected U.S. President George W. Bush and his free-trade proposal for the region at the Summit of the Americas in Mar del Plata.
Today, Lula not only sits in prison but his Workers’ Party lost the presidency race for the first time since 1998. Many voters and investors alike supported Bolsonaro less for his economic proposals than for his fierce stance against the party.
In fact, with crime, corruption and ethics having dominated the debate, Bolsonaro can’t assume widespread support for austerity and economically liberal reforms, said Alexandre Schwartsman, a former central bank director.
“He doesn’t have a mandate for a liberal revolution,” Schwartsman said.
Indeed, there have already been signs that Bolsonaro is dialing back some of the more ambitious plans proposed by Guedes. This month, he ruled out privatizing the core operations of oil giant Petrobras as well as the generation units of state power utility Eletrobras.
The key question will be Bolsonaro’s ability to unify a deeply divided nation and to forge a majority in congress to pass austerity measures. A bitter campaign shook the underpinnings of a democracy that has existed only since 1985. Anger and political violence have surged and Bolsonaro himself was stabbed by a fanatic in September and campaigned from his hospital bed.
While Bolsonaro’s Social Liberal Party surged in the Oct. 7 congressional vote to become the second-largest force in the lower house, it still has only 52 out of 513 seats. And managing a ruling coalition isn’t easy in a congress with 30 political parties.
While Bolsonaro’s party is likely to form a majority coalition, it still won’t be easy to push through his agenda, said Senator Fernando Bezerra Coelho, the current majority whip in the upper house.
“There’s a hard core against reforms in the chamber, including some deputies from Bolsonaro’s camp,” said Bezerra. “He’ll have to negotiate.”
Domani in Brasile si voterà per il secondo turno delle presidenziali, e Mr Bolsonaro sembrerebbe avere ottime possibilità di essere eletto.
Il Brasile sta uscendo da oltre quindici anni di dittatura liberal socialista: l’ex Presidente Lula è ora affiliato ad un carcere e la ex Presidente Rousseff ha in corso la sua procedura giudiziaria.
Riportiamo in allegato due articoli comparsi su riviste liberal doc.
Vedono Mr Bolsonaro peggio della peste bubbonica, della lebbra e del colera.
Il fatto è che Mr Bolsonaro non condivide in nulla nemmeno un microscopico codicillo dell’ideologia liberal e di quella socialista. Le persone apprezzate da Mr Bolzonaro sono detestate dai liberal, e così via. Non ha caso i socialisti brasiliani hanno armato un sicario per tentare di ucciderlo.
Notiamo come per la prima volta sull’Economist si fa accenno alle posizioni religiose di Mr Bolsonaro.
«In a recent survey by Ipsos, 94 percent of Brazilians said they don’t feel represented by their politicians. ….
According to a 2016 survey, 54 percent of the Brazilian population held a high number of traditionally-conservative opinions, up from 49 percent in 2010. The shift is particularly evident on matters of law and order: Today, more Brazilians are in favor of legalizing capital punishment, lowering the age at which juveniles can be tried as adults, and life without parole for individuals who commit heinous crimes ….
This rightward shift has been accompanied by a massive growth in the country’s Evangelical Protestant and Pentecostal churches, which constitute the greater part of Brazilian Protestantism. The percentage of those who identified as evangelicals in Brazil has grown from 6.6 percent in 1980, to 22.2 percent in 2010. ….
with the slogan Brother votes for Brother, “the organized participation in politics by the major Pentecostal denominations” was a “big novelty” and the beginning of a new era»
‘Il Fratello vota per il Fratello’.
Più chiaro di così non si sarebbe potuto dirlo.
Ma questo fenomeno si vede chiaramente non solo in Brasile, ma anche negli Stati Uniti e nell’Unione Europea, ed è causa efficiente della devoluzione dell’ideologia socialista e liberal.
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«A survey by Ibope, a pollster, gives him around 52% of votes, to 37% for Fernando Haddad, his opponent from the left-wing Workers’ Party (PT); 9% of respondents said they would abstain»
«For many of Bolsonaro’s fans, often young or middle-aged men, he is simply, “o mito” — “the myth,” who is supposed to prevent Brazil from falling into the hands of the socialist left and becoming a second Cuba or Venezuela»
«Bolsonaro’s followers, too, celebrate Brazil’s years under military rule. They believe that former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and his PT are responsible for street violence and rampant corruption.»
«he favors traditional family values»
«his affinity for deregulation»
«He also likes to attack homosexuals, saying he’d rather have a dead son than a gay son
«Bolsonaro can count on the support of the agribusiness, the arms lobby and the ultrareligious. The factions of Brazil’s BBB coalition — bois (bulls), balas (bullets) and the Biblia (Bible) — were already significantly involved in ending Rousseff’s presidency. It is almost impossible to govern against them. But, with their support, even a backbencher could come to prominence»
«The campaign against “political correctness” is a success»
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«Mr Bolsonaro can be trusted with the country’s future, despite his insults to women, blacks and gays, his rhetorical fondness for dictatorship and the suddenness of his professed conversion to liberal economics»
«Mr Guedes praised Mr Bolsonaro as representing order and the preservation of life and property»
«He proposes to slim Brazil’s puffed-up, ineffective and near-bankrupt state through privatisations and public-spending cuts, and to undo the country’s serpentine red tape»
«He stands for “order”, but not the law. He urges police to kill criminals, or those they think might be criminals. He wants to change human-rights policy to “give priority to victims”, though presumably he does not mean the victims of extra-legal killings by police. He lacks a liberal regard for the public good in his plans to favour farmers over the environment and withdraw Brazil from the Paris agreement on climate change.»
«Mr Bolsonaro wants moral re-regulation. He vows “to defend the family”; to “defend the innocence of children in school” against alleged homosexual propaganda; and to oppose abortion and the legalisation of drugs»
«Positivists believed that government by a high-minded “scientific” elite could bring about modern industrial societies without violence or class struggle. Positivism was little more than a footnote in Europe. But it was hugely influential in Latin America, especially in Brazil and Mexico.»
«Pinochet eventually dumped the Chicago boys and turned to more pragmatic economists, whose policies contributed to Chile’s post-dictatorship prosperity»
«So is Brazil in for a dose of pinochetismo? Mr Bolsonaro is not the army commander—indeed he was eased out of the army for indiscipline in 1988. And he is not a convincing economic liberal. At heart, he is a corporatist. As a congressman for 27 years, he repeatedly voted against privatisation and pension reform, and for increases in the wages of public servants»
«Under a Bolsonaro presidency, Brazil could hope for a reformed, faster-growing economy and a president who keeps his authoritarian impulses in check»
IN JULY, AT a convention of his small and inaptly named Social Liberal Party, Jair Bolsonaro unveiled his star hire. Paulo Guedes, a free-market economist from the University of Chicago, has done much to persuade Brazil’s business people that Mr Bolsonaro can be trusted with the country’s future, despite his insults to women, blacks and gays, his rhetorical fondness for dictatorship and the suddenness of his professed conversion to liberal economics. At the convention Mr Guedes praised Mr Bolsonaro as representing order and the preservation of life and property. His own entry into the campaign, he added, means “the union of order and progress”.
That prospect seems poised to make Mr Bolsonaro, a former army captain, Brazil’s president in a run-off election on October 28th. A survey by Ibope, a pollster, gives him around 52% of votes, to 37% for Fernando Haddad, his opponent from the left-wing Workers’ Party (PT); 9% of respondents said they would abstain. Mr Bolsonaro has benefited from a public mood of despair over rising crime, corruption and an economic slump caused by the mistakes of a previous PT government.
In the PowerPoint slideshow that passes for his manifesto, Mr Bolsonaro promises “a liberal democratic government”. Certainly Mr Guedes champions some liberal economic measures. He proposes to slim Brazil’s puffed-up, ineffective and near-bankrupt state through privatisations and public-spending cuts, and to undo the country’s serpentine red tape.
Yet Mr Bolsonaro’s words are often neither liberal nor democratic. He stands for “order”, but not the law. He urges police to kill criminals, or those they think might be criminals. He wants to change human-rights policy to “give priority to victims”, though presumably he does not mean the victims of extra-legal killings by police. He lacks a liberal regard for the public good in his plans to favour farmers over the environment and withdraw Brazil from the Paris agreement on climate change.
Whereas Mr Guedes proposes economic deregulation, Mr Bolsonaro wants moral re-regulation. He vows “to defend the family”; to “defend the innocence of children in school” against alleged homosexual propaganda; and to oppose abortion and the legalisation of drugs. As a congressman, he proposed birth control for the poor. He calls the generals who took power as dictators in Brazil in 1964 and ruled for two decades “heroes”. In July one of his sons, Eduardo Bolsonaro, who is a congressman, said “a soldier and a corporal” would be enough to shut down the supreme court. (The candidate distanced himself from these “emotional” comments, saying “the court is the guardian of the constitution.”)
When Comte hijacked liberalism
The combination of political authoritarianism and free-market economics is not new in Brazil or Latin America. Indeed, Mr Guedes’s phrase at the convention harks back to the point in the history of Latin American thought when the notions of economic and political freedom became divorced. “Order and Progress” is the slogan stamped across Brazil’s flag. There is no mention of “freedom” or “equality”. The slogan was dreamed up when Brazil became a republic in 1889 under the influence of positivism, a set of ideas associated with Auguste Comte, a French philosopher. Positivists believed that government by a high-minded “scientific” elite could bring about modern industrial societies without violence or class struggle.
Positivism was little more than a footnote in Europe. But it was hugely influential in Latin America, especially in Brazil and Mexico. It combined a preference for strong central government with a conception of society as a hierarchical collective, rather than an agglomeration of free individuals. Positivism hijacked liberalism and its belief that progress would come from political and economic freedom for individuals, just when this seemed to have become the triumphant political philosophy in the region in the third quarter of the 19th century. According to Charles Hale, a historian of ideas, positivism relegated liberalism to a “foundation myth” of the Latin American republics. It was to be paid lip service in constitutions but ignored in political practice. In a sentiment to which Mr Bolsonaro might subscribe, Francisco G. Cosmes, a Mexican positivist, claimed in 1878 that rather than “rights” society preferred “bread…security, order and peace”.
The divorce between the ideas of political and economic freedom in Latin America was in part a consequence of the region’s difficulty in creating prosperous market economies and stable democracies based on equality of opportunity. But it has also been one of the causes of that failure.
Liberalism had struggled to change societies marked by big racial and social inequalities, inherited from Iberian colonialism, especially in rural Latin America. Liberals abolished slavery and the formal serfdom to which Indians were subjected in the Andes and Mexico. But the countryside remained polarised between owners of latifundia (large estates) and indentured labourers. Missing were yeoman farmers, or a rural bourgeoisie. André Rebouças, a leader of the movement to abolish slavery in Brazil (which happened only in 1888), envisaged a “rural democracy” resulting from “the emancipation of the slave and his regeneration through land ownership”. It never happened.
Positivists rejected the liberal belief in the equal value of all citizens and imbibed the “scientific racism” and social Darwinism in vogue in late 19th-century Europe. They saw the solution to Latin American backwardness in immigration of white European indentured labourers, which initially prevented a rise in rural wages for former slaves and serfs.
The ignored lesson of Canudos
The high-minded positivists who ran the Brazilian republic were humiliated by a rebellion in the 1890s by a monarchist preacher at Canudos, in the parched interior of Bahia in the north-east. It took four expeditions, the last involving 10,000 troops and heavy artillery, to crush Canudos, at a cost of 20,000 dead (some of the defenders had their throats cut after surrendering). Euclides da Cunha, a positivist army officer-turned-journalist who covered these events, wrote in “Os Sertões” (“Rebellion in the Backlands”), which became one of Brazil’s best-known books, that the military campaign would be “a crime” if it was not followed by “a constant, persistent, stubborn campaign of education” to draw these “rude and backward fellow-countrymen into…our national life”.
That was a liberal response from a positivist writer. Again, it didn’t happen. Veterans from the Canudos campaign would set up the first favelas in Rio de Janeiro, which soon were filled with migrants from the north-east. Their descendants may end up as victims of Mr Bolsonaro’s encouragement of police violence.
Liberalism never died in Latin America, but in the 20th century it often lost out. With industrialisation and the influence of European fascism, positivism morphed into corporatism, in which economic freedom yielded to the state’s organisation of the economy, as well as society, in non-competing functional units (unions and bosses’ organisations, for example). Corporatism, with the power it awarded to state functionaries of all kinds, appealed to many of the region’s military men.
That became clear when many countries suffered dictatorships in the 1960s and 1970s. The Brazilian military regime would intermittently adopt economic liberalism, especially under the aegis of Mario Henrique Simonsen, a brilliant economist (and one of Mr Guedes’s tutors). He twice tried to impose fiscal and monetary squeezes to curb inflation. His nemesis was Antonio Delfim Netto, who favoured expansion through debt and inflation, which would cost Brazil a “lost decade” in the 1980s. The dictatorship that Mr Bolsonaro so admires ignored Da Cunha’s plea: it left to civilian leaders a country in which a quarter of children aged seven to 14 were not at school. Only in the current democratic period, under the constitution of 1988, has Brazil achieved universal primary education and mass secondary schooling.
The exception to military corporatism was General Augusto Pinochet’s personal dictatorship in Chile from 1973 to 1990. Pinochet sensed, rightly, that corporatism would require him to share power with his military colleagues. Instead, he called on a group of civilian economists, dubbed the “Chicago boys” because several had studied at the University of Chicago, where the libertarian economics of Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman held sway.
Trial and error from the Chicago boys
The Chicago boys applied these principles in Chile, whose economy had been wrecked by the irresponsibility of Salvador Allende, a democratic socialist overthrown by Pinochet. Their programme would eventually lay the foundations for Chile to become Latin America’s most dynamic economy at the turn of the century. But it was akin to a major operation by trial and error and without anaesthetic. They slashed import tariffs and the fiscal deficit, which fell from 25% of GDP in 1973 to 1% in 1975. They privatised hundreds of companies, with no regard for competition or regulation. Worried that inflation was slow to fall, they established a fixed and overvalued exchange rate. The result of all this was that the economy came to be dominated by a few conglomerates, heavily indebted in dollars and centred on the private banks.
In 1982, after a rise in interest rates in the United States, Chile defaulted on its debts and the economy slumped. Poverty engulfed 45% of the population and the unemployment rate rose to 30%. Pinochet eventually dumped the Chicago boys and turned to more pragmatic economists, whose policies contributed to Chile’s post-dictatorship prosperity.
Something similar happened in Peru under the presidency of Alberto Fujimori, who governed from 1990 to 2000. He sent tanks to shut down congress and pushed through a radical free-market economic programme. Again, that laid the basis for a dynamic economy but carried heavy costs. Mr Fujimori’s regime engaged in systematic corruption, and his destruction of the party system and of judicial independence had consequences that are still being felt. In Guatemala and Honduras, Hayekian anti-state libertarianism has led to dystopias from which citizens migrate en masse to escape from weak governments unable to provide public security or encourage economic opportunity (see article).
Mr Bolsonaro is a fan of Pinochet, who “did what had to be done”, he said in 2015. (This included killing some 3,000 political opponents and torturing tens of thousands.) So is Mr Guedes, who taught at the University of Chile in the 1980s, when the dean of its economics faculty was Pinochet’s budget director. Mr Guedes wants a flat income tax, a libertarian but not liberal measure. (Adam Smith, the father of liberal economics, favoured a progressive tax.)
So is Brazil in for a dose of pinochetismo? Mr Bolsonaro is not the army commander—indeed he was eased out of the army for indiscipline in 1988. And he is not a convincing economic liberal. At heart, he is a corporatist. As a congressman for 27 years, he repeatedly voted against privatisation and pension reform, and for increases in the wages of public servants.
Many of Mr Guedes’s proposals are vague, but sensible in principle and overdue. They include cutting the deficit and the public debt and reshaping public spending. Many of his proposed privatisations are necessary. As he told Piauí, a newspaper, Brazil is “paradise for rent seekers and hell for entrepreneurs”. He rightly wants to change that. But in many of these things Mr Bolsonaro may be his opponent. Mr Guedes may not last long.
Under a Bolsonaro presidency, Brazil could hope for a reformed, faster-growing economy and a president who keeps his authoritarian impulses in check. But there are plenty of risks. Perhaps the biggest is of illiberal democracy in which elections continue, but not the practice of democratic government with its checks and balances and rules of fairness. That could arise if a Bolsonaro presidency descended into permanent conflict, both within the government and between it and an opposition inflamed by Mr Bolsonaro’s verbal aggression. Frustrated, he might then lash out against the legislature and the courts. Separating economic and political freedom may seem like a short cut to development. But in Latin America it rarely is: the demand for strong government has vied with a persistent yearning for liberty.
Jair Messias Bolsonaro, a far-right candidate and congressman, could be Brazil’s next president. He served in the military under the dictatorship and has hounded left-wing lawmakers since.
For many of Bolsonaro’s fans, often young or middle-aged men, he is simply, “o mito” — “the myth,” who is supposed to prevent Brazil from falling into the hands of the socialist left and becoming a second Cuba or Venezuela.
For years, the political establishment had dismissed the 63-year-old former paratrooper as a clown. In Congress since 1991, he has been a typical backbencher for the far-right Social Liberal Party, grabbing attention with profane outbursts and verbal abuse, but never otherwise standing out for his speeches or legislative initiatives. He once told a lawmaker for the Workers’ Party (PT) that she was “so ugly that she doesn’t even deserve to be raped.” He also likes to attack homosexuals, saying he’d rather have a dead son than a gay son.
When voting to remove President Dilma Rousseff from office in 2016, Bolsonaro publicly praised Colonel Carlos Alberto Brilhante Ustra, who tortured about 40 opposition members to death during the 1964-85 military dictatorship. Bolsonaro himself served in the army from 1971 to 1988. Rousseff, on the other hand, was tortured by the dictatorship.
Popular despite contradictions
Bolsonaro’s followers, too, celebrate Brazil’s years under military rule. They believe that former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and his PT are responsible for street violence and rampant corruption.
As a lawmaker, Bolsonaro had long made Lula’s arrest his primary issue. Now, the former president is behind bars, locked up since April, when he was convicted of corruption and money laundering. Although he topped the opinion polls, Lula was barred from running. This left Bolsonaro ahead, with about 20 percent — an amount that grew to 36 percent by the eve of the election. He didn’t face competition from within Brazil’s right-wing camp, which is mired in a swamp of corruption that Bolsonaro, as a lowly legislator, managed to escape.
Bolsonaro has hardly offered a concrete idea for solving Brazil’s problems. He is clueless about the economy, he says, and tells people to turn to Paulo Guedes, Bolsonaro’s desired economy minister, a liberal economist known as “Chicago Boy” for his affinity for deregulation. Bolsonaro wants to place the public schools under the control of the military, and he says he would counter rising violence by arming the “good citizens” while promising police officers bonuses for every criminal killed. Currently on his third marriage, he favors traditional family values. His three sons are professional politicians like their father, and they have all made a fortune on lawmakers’ salaries, but he wants to clean up the corrupt political establishment.
Those contradictions do not bother his fans, which is reminiscent of US President Donald Trump’s relationship with his own followers. Bolsonaro is, however, in some ways meeker. When asked about his racist, homophobic and misogynistic remarks, he has a tendency to backpedal. It’s all just a “joke,” a misunderstanding, he says innocently.
Bolsonaro’s critics believe that he learned everything he needed to know from comic books. Recently, he said Africans themselves had carried out the trade that brought millions of enslaved people to Brazil, not the Portuguese. His running mate, General Antonio Hamilton Martins Mourao, thinks along the same lines: In 2017, the 64-year-old openly threatened a military coup. “We’ve inherited inertia from the indigenous culture, while the trickery comes from Africans,” Mourao said, to protests from rights groups and cheers from Bolsonaro’s supporters on social media. The campaign against “political correctness” is a success and the establishment’s criticism is the ultimate culmination.
Improbable — not impossible
The business community has already signaled its approval of Guedes’ stated plans to privatize and streamline the state should he be nominated economy minister. One should not underestimate Bolsonaro or hope that, in the worst case, Congress would thwart him should he be elected.
Bolsonaro can count on the support of the agribusiness, the arms lobby and the ultrareligious. The factions of Brazil’s BBB coalition — bois (bulls), balas (bullets) and the Biblia (Bible) — were already significantly involved in ending Rousseff’s presidency. It is almost impossible to govern against them. But, with their support, even a backbencher could come to prominence.