Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Stati Uniti

Biden. Il 50% degli Elettori riterrebbe necessario il suo impeachment.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2022-01-31.

2022-01-26__ Biden 001

«Half of voters believe President Joe Biden should be impeached, and nearly as many think Republicans will do it if they win a congressional majority in the midterm elections.

A new national telephone and online survey by Rasmussen Reports and The National Pulse finds that 50% of Likely U.S. voters support the impeachment of Biden, including 33% who Strongly Support it. Forty-five percent (45%) are opposed to impeaching Biden, including 33% who Strongly Oppose it.»

Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Regno Unito

Johnson congela il canone alla Bbc. I liberal inconsolabili piangono il passato potere.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2022-01-31.

Cacciata. Raffaello Sanzio. La cacciata di Eliodoro dal Tempio. 001

«The BBC is dead, long live the BBC»

«For years the BBC and its financing model have belonged to that small category of things that make no sense in theory but work well in practice»

«Now that model is imperiled, and the BBC will be forced to abandon its traditional role and find its place in the modern media landscape»

«The U.K. government recently announced that the annual television license fee, the BBC’s main source of funds, will be frozen at 159 pounds ($217) for the next two years, then rise to keep pace with inflation for four years after that»

«More important, the minister in charge added (before colleagues told her to walk it back) that this would be the last such settlement»

«In the short term, the Beeb faces a tighter financial squeeze than the rest of Britain’s public sector»

«Beyond that, if the license fee ends, the very idea of BBC-style public-service broadcasting is in doubt»

«This license fee has always been a conspicuous and seemingly indefensible anomaly»

«Why is a public-sector supplier of news and entertainment needed in the first place?»

«Yes, there’s a good deal of dreck, but the BBC produces much more than its fair share of high-quality television and radio of all kinds — at comparatively modest cost»

«Its output is popular at home and has burnished Britain’s standing in the world. Its coverage of news and current affairs is impartial and authoritative»

«The contrast with public-service broadcasting in the U.S. is stark. It’s not just that American providers are starved of public resources. Relying heavily on private donations pushes NPR and PBS toward programming that will please their comparatively narrow, liberal-minded segment of financial supporters»

«Britain has long had brazenly partisan newspapers — which made the BBC all the more valuable»

«As competition and unbundling intensify, it will continue to lose viewers and the loyalty of the public»

«Sooner or later, the license-fee model will become politically unsustainable, and the formula that delivered this great and improbable public good will unravel»

* * * * * * *

La Bbc è sempre stata la corifea dell’ideologia liberal: i suoi giornalisti sono tutti grembiulino, Marx, fedeli scribi trascrittori delle veline ricevute, ortodossi nel loro credo politico assunto a livello di religione, da praticare ed esportare.

La Bbc si autodefinisce “servizio pubblico” ed “imparziale”.

Imparziale??

Ma nel suo ardore ideologico molto spesso ha travalicato anche i limiti del comune buon senso.

* * *

Clima. Remake di un articolo BBC del 12 dicembre 2007. Non dimenticare.

Bbc. Sembrerebbe essere entrata in una crisi irreversibile. – Bloomberg.

Bbc. La cloaca delle menzogne. Soffre di essere stata smascherata. – Governo Inglese.

BBC’s reputation highly damaged by Diana interview report, says Patel.

Bbc. Bandita dalla Cina perché propala fake news. – Xinhua e Bbc.

China pulls BBC World News off the air for serious content violation

China bans BBC World News from broadcasting

Princess Diana Scandal Is a Genuine Crisis for the BBC

* * *

Lo scandalo della Principessa Diana è frutto di un articolo inventato di sana pianta, così come l’articolo sul ‘clima’ pubblicato il 12 dicembre 2007.

Nulla da stupirsi quindi se la Cina ed altri stati la abbiano messa al bando e l’opinione pubblica la segua solo per essere informata del pensiero attuale dei liberal.

E tutto questo lo faceva a spese del Contribuente.

Vita comoda, ne vero?

* * * * * * *


The BBC Is Dead, Long Live the BBC

For years the BBC and its financing model have belonged to that small category of things that make no sense in theory but work well in practice. Now that model is imperiled, and the BBC will be forced to abandon its traditional role and find its place in the modern media landscape. The country, and the world, will be the poorer for it.

The U.K. government recently announced that the annual television license fee, the BBC’s main source of funds, will be frozen at 159 pounds ($217) for the next two years, then rise to keep pace with inflation for four years after that. More important, the minister in charge added (before colleagues told her to walk it back) that this would be the last such settlement. In the short term, the Beeb faces a tighter financial squeeze than the rest of Britain’s public sector. Beyond that, if the license fee ends, the very idea of BBC-style public-service broadcasting is in doubt.

This license fee has always been a conspicuous and seemingly indefensible anomaly. Why is a public-sector supplier of news and entertainment needed in the first place?  And, if you were going to have one, why on earth pay for it with an annual tax on TVs that demanded the same payment from people regardless of income?

Yet look at the results. Against the odds, given the upheaval in its industry, the Beeb has managed not only to survive but also to prosper. Yes, there’s a good deal of dreck, but the BBC produces much more than its fair share of high-quality television and radio of all kinds — at comparatively modest cost. Its output is popular at home and has burnished Britain’s standing in the world. Its coverage of news and current affairs is impartial and authoritative.

All these features were, and are, of a piece. The license fee separates the BBC from the government in a way that a subvention of ordinary tax revenue wouldn’t. It requires openness and accountability, encouraging tight control of costs, for instance putting downward pressure on what stars can be paid. It cements the obligation to serve all the public, underlining the commitment to political impartiality and reminding the enterprise to make broadly popular programs as well as more sophisticated, educational or otherwise aspirational material. In these ways, it creates a cultural space in which Brits, whether they know it or not, can relate to each other and find they have something in common.

The contrast with public-service broadcasting in the U.S. is stark. It’s not just that American providers are starved of public resources. Relying heavily on private donations pushes NPR and PBS toward programming that will please their comparatively narrow, liberal-minded segment of financial supporters. Public-service broadcasting in the U.S. doesn’t even try to serve the whole public. It serves its niche.

In fact, a true American equivalent of the BBC is virtually unimaginable.  The concept of public service at a distance from partisan politics still has purchase in Britain — think of the career civil service, the judiciary, management of elections, appointments to the central bank, agencies such as the Office for Budget Responsibility and countless other arms-length public agencies and non-government organizations.

In the U.S. the nonpartisan tradition is all but dead. Perhaps the armed services are still mostly above politics. Otherwise, almost every institution that intersects with public policy — not just designing it, but executing, influencing, analyzing and explaining it — is partisan.

Nowhere is this more true than in the media. Britain has long had brazenly partisan newspapers — which made the BBC all the more valuable. In the U.S., esteemed newspapers such as the New York Times and the Washington Post once presumed to play a similar role. (I recall that many years ago I was on a panel with a Times reporter who seemed genuinely offended by my describing his paper as liberal.) Today, those once-authoritative and trusted-to-be-impartial papers have chosen sides. The perfection of the media market, accelerated by social media, favors partisan commitment.

Prime Minister Boris Johnson has doubtless turned against the BBC to distract attention from his latest embarrassments. But the Beeb has longer-term problems. As competition and unbundling intensify, it will continue to lose viewers and the loyalty of the public. Sooner or later, the license-fee model will become politically unsustainable, and the formula that delivered this great and improbable public good will unravel.

One can imagine the BBC, in due course, as just another TV and audio production company, bidding for its modest share of public subsidy. Britain, and anywhere else the Beeb can be seen or heard, will never be the same.

Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Economia e Produzione Industriale, Fisco e Tasse

Italia. Dec21. Prezzi Medi alla Pompa di Benzina e Gasolio. Iva ed accise al 60.28%.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2022-01-31.

2022-01-28__ Prezzi Mensili Carburanti 003

Il Ministero della Transizione Ecologica ha rilasciato le statistiche dei prezzi medi di benzina e gasolio aggiornati al dicembre 2021.

Nota. Valori in euro / 1,000 litri.

 

2022-01-28__ Prezzi Mensili Carburanti 004

                         Benzina alla pompa.

Nel dicembre 2020 costava 1,423.91 euro: nel dicembre 2021 costava 1,724.26 euro.

Le accise sono rimaste invariate, mentre invece il gettito iva è passato da 256.77 a 310.93 euro.

Il netto è passato da 438.74 a 684.92 euro.

Iva ed accise gravano per il 60.28% del costo della benzina alla pompa.

                         Gasolio per auto.

Nel dicembre 2020 costava 1,300.32 euro: nel dicembre 2021 costatava 1,589.30 euro

Le accise cono rimaste invariate, mentre invece il gettito iva è passato da 234.48 a 286.60 euro.

Il netto è passato da 448.44 a 685.30 euro.

Iva ed accise gravano per il 56.88% del costo del gasolio alla pompa.

                         Gasolio per riscaldamento.

Nel dicembre 2020 costava 1,136.86 euro nel dicembre 2021 costava 1,386.67 euro.

Le accise sono rimaste invariate, mentre invece il gettito iva è passato da 205.01 a 250.00 euro.

Il netto è passato da 528.64 a 733.16 euro.

Iva ed accise gravano per il 47.12% del costo.

* * * * * * *


Ortaggi. Dec21. Prezzi all’ingrosso. Variazione mediana +21.875% YoY.

Stagno. Dec21. Prezzi Ingrosso 40,351 Usd/Ton, +91.03% anno su anno.

Fertilizzanti. Nov21. Prezzi all’ingrosso. Fosfato di diammonio +102.1% YoY.

America. Nov21. Indice dei Prezzi al Consumo +6.8%. Nel Dec20 valeva +1.4%. Carne + 20.9%.

Germania. Prezzi alimentari +16.3% su novembre 2020. Ecco la Fame. – Destatis.

Italia. Nov21. Mercato Interno. Prezzi Produzione +27.1% YoY. Energia -74.8% YoY.

Fertilizzanti. Anno21. Prezzi all’ingrosso. Fosfato di diammonio +88.43% YoY.

Glicerina. Nov21. Prezzo all’ingrosso aumentato di quasi il 100% anno su anno.

Fertilizzanti. Si prospetta una carestia a livello mondiale. La fame proprio ci mancava.

Italia. Oct21. Ingrosso. Grano duro a 783.2 € per tonnellata, +92.1% anno su anno. Un mese fa +74%.

Burro. Anno21. Ingrosso. Costi al caseificio in Italia su del 58.99%, anno su anno.

Italia. Oct21. Prezzi medi all’ingrosso degli ortaggi. Molti i rincari sopra il 40% anno su anno.

Italia. Oct21. Prezzi medi all’ingrosso di Sardine ed Acciughe. Cibo solo per Faraoni ricchi.

Italia. Sept21. Prezzi medi all’ingrosso al caseificio dei formaggi.

Italia. Ott21. Gamberi rosa. Listino Prezzi Ingrosso. Prezzi stellari.

Italia. Dacci oggi il nostro pane quotidiano. Listino prezzi. La fame si avvicina.

Italia. Settembre21. Prezzi medi degli ortaggi all’origine. Roba da straricchi.

Italia. Sept21. Olio di oliva. Listino costi produzione. – Inflazione.

Mondo. Grano duro. Produzione dimezzata e costi cresciuti del 74% anno su anno.

Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Giustizia, Stati Uniti

US. La libertà di parola. Nei fatti non sussiste. – Bloomberg.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2022-01-30.

Costituzione Italiana art 21 001

«Free speech, like other constitutional rights, only makes sense if one is free to use it unwisely. Otherwise, there’s no freedom to speak; there’s only a freedom to speak what some arbiter declares to be the truth»

«democracy relies on roughing-and-tumbling our way through robust, open and unregulated public debate»

* * * * * * *

«The Knight Foundation and Ipsos have a new survey on Americans’ views about free speech, and for those of us who consider spirited and even wrongheaded debate crucial to democracy, there’s both good news and bad»

«Asked whether freedom of speech is an important constitutional right, 99% of respondents in the Knight survey said yes»

«The bad news is that on nearly every practical aspect of speech, divisions are sharp, partisan and afflicted by both the availability heuristic and recency bias»

«Democrats, at 86%, are by far the most likely to agree on the importance of “preventing people from inciting others to violence.” Republicans are at 68% and Independents at 71%.»

«Which brings us to everybody’s favorite bugaboo, the problem of misinformation»

«Even though Democrats (89%) are significantly more likely than either Independents (73%) or Republicans (63%) to label “preventing the spread of false information” as either “very important” or “extremely important,” the larger headline is that strong majorities of every group agree.»

«Free speech, like other constitutional rights, only makes sense if one is free to use it unwisely. Otherwise, there’s no freedom to speak; there’s only a freedom to speak what some arbiter declares to be the truth»

«Alas, the Knight-Ipsos survey includes no queries about who gets to decide which particular information is mis»

«Online news providers should be allowed to publish any story without the government having the ability to block or censor them»

«Again, the results are discouraging. A mere 60% of Democrats think that letting the government “block or censor” the news is a bad idea. Independents stand at 70%; Republicans at 77%»

«democracy relies on roughing-and-tumbling our way through robust, open and unregulated public debate»

«The bad news is the sharp partisan division over the status of protests against the results of the 2020 presidential election. Strong majorities of both independents (60%) and Republicans (73%) consider those protests legitimate acts of free speech. Only 39% of Democrats agree»

«Republicans and Independents are certain that liberals have superior access to the public square; Democrats think the advantage lies with conservatives. No racial group, not even White Americans, is confident of its own ability to speak freely»

«Black Americans, by a large margin, are most likely to believe that their own speech is marginalized.»

* * * * * * *

Il problema esiste, concreto e di portata fondamentale.

Ma il punto centrale consiste nella definizione che si dia al termine ‘libertà’.

Questa è la definizione data da Treccani:

«la facoltà di pensare, di operare, di scegliere a proprio talento, in modo autonomo; cioè, in termini filosofici, quella facoltà che è il presupposto trascendentale della possibilità e della libertà del volere, che a sua volta è fondamento di autonomia, responsabilità e imputabilità dell’agire umano nel campo religioso, morale, giuridico»

Non concordiamo con questa definizione.

A nostro avviso, vi è sostanziale differenza tra ‘il poter fare ciò che si vuole’ e la libertà.

Operare facendo ciò che si vuole è mero esercizio di un potere: o lo si ha oppure non esisterebbe libertà, così intesa e definita. Di qui la brama del potere, unico mezzo per potersi realizzare, per poter passare dal pensiero alla azione. Ma senza limiti alla possibilità di operare corrisponde una altrettanto senza limiti deresponsabilità morale ed etica.

“Est modus in rebus: sunt certi denique fines, quos ultra citaque nequit consistere rectum” (C’è una misura nelle cose; vi sono precisi confini, oltre i quali non può sussistere il giusto.“) [Orazio]

La libertà sussiste solo ed esclusivamente nelle azioni che corrispondono ai canoni di giustizia. Se li travalica diventa solo licenza.

Esula i nostri scopi approfondire ulteriormente questi aspetti.

Citeremo un unico punto: nessuno è ‘libero’ di fare agli altri ciò che non vorrebbe fosse fatto a lui.

In America non esiste la libertà di espressione. Un caso per tutti:

Usa, professore sbaglia il pronome di uno studente trans. Licenziato.

* * * * * * *


Do Americans Even Know What Free Speech Is?

(Bloomberg Opinion) — The Knight Foundation and Ipsos have a new survey on Americans’ views about free speech, and for those of us who consider spirited and even wrongheaded debate crucial to democracy, there’s both good news and bad.

Let’s start with the good news. Asked whether freedom of speech is an important constitutional right, 99% of respondents in the Knight survey said yes. The only other right with such near-unanimous endorsement is the equal protection of the laws.

So much for the good news.

The bad news is that on nearly every practical aspect of speech, divisions are sharp, partisan and afflicted by both the availability heuristic and recency bias.

It’s striking, for instance, that Democrats, at 86%, are by far the most likely to agree on the importance of “preventing people from inciting others to violence.” Republicans are at 68% and Independents at 71%. How did the party of the left become the champions of law and order, and a significant minority of the G.O.P. defenders of incendiary rhetoric?

That’s where the availability heuristic comes in. Everybody seems to be focused on Jan. 6, 2021 — and perhaps overreacting to an isolated event. Thus Democrats are forgetting their history of supporting those accused of fomenting violence in the cause of battling oppression, and Republicans are discarding their traditional insistence that protesters must make their cases without disturbing public.

I’m not suggesting that Republicans as a group support the Capitol rioters — in the survey, only one-third describe what happened as legitimate First Amendment activity. I’m suggesting only that a few years ago, the G.O.P. numbers would have been higher. (Incidentally, 12% of Democrats, perhaps captivated by rosy memories of armed Black Panthers marching into the California statehouse in 1967, also believe that the violence at the Capitol last January was an exercise in free speech.)

Which brings us to everybody’s favorite bugaboo, the problem of misinformation. Even though Democrats (89%) are significantly more likely than either Independents (73%) or Republicans (63%) to label “preventing the spread of false information” as either “very important” or “extremely important,” the larger headline is that strong majorities of every group agree.

That’s a problem. Free speech, like other constitutional rights, only makes sense if one is free to use it unwisely. Otherwise, there’s no freedom to speak; there’s only a freedom to speak what some arbiter declares to be the truth.

Alas, the Knight-Ipsos survey includes no queries about who gets to decide which particular information is mis. But there’s a hint when respondents are asked whether they agree with this statement: “Online news providers should be allowed to publish any story without the government having the ability to block or censor them.”

Again, the results are discouraging. A mere 60% of Democrats think that letting the government “block or censor” the news is a bad idea. Independents stand at 70%; Republicans at 77%. All these numbers are worrisomely low — at least for those raised on the idea that democracy relies on roughing-and-tumbling our way through robust, open and unregulated public debate.

Speaking of rough and tumble, majorities of every political group believe that the 2020 racial justice demonstrations were a legitimate exercise of First Amendment rights. That’s good news.

The bad news is the sharp partisan division over the status of protests against the results of the 2020 presidential election. Strong majorities of both independents (60%) and Republicans (73%) consider those protests legitimate acts of free speech.

Only 39% of Democrats agree.

I’m hoping this low figure reflects once more the inability to turn away from legitimate outrage over the Capitol Riot. But sometimes turning away helps us see a bigger picture.

There’s much more in the survey that’s worth a look, but I’ll mention just one last item. A recent trend in First Amendment scholarship views free speech principally as a protection for the voices of outsiders. In the Knight-Ipsos report, every group sees itself as the outsider, struggling to be heard.

Republicans and Independents are certain that liberals have superior access to the public square; Democrats think the advantage lies with conservatives. No racial group, not even White Americans, is confident of its own ability to speak freely.

On the one hand, the fact that so many Americans think they’re being crowded out of the public square is reason for sorrow. On the other, if it’s true that most of the country believes its free speech rights to be imperiled, perhaps there exists a majority — dare we call it a silent one? — that will resist any effort to tamper with the First Amendment.

For democracy, that would be a big win.

At the same time, hardly anybody believes that burning or defacing the American flag is an appropriate form of protest. That only 16% of Republicans think so is unremarkable. That only 36% of independents and 37% of Democrats think so is a surprise.

Black Americans, by a large margin, are most likely to believe that their own speech is marginalized.

Pubblicato in: Banche Centrali, Commercio, Devoluzione socialismo

Germania. Dec21. Prezzi alla importazione. +24% su Dec20. – Destatis.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2022-01-30.

Destatis__001

                         In sintesi.

– Import Prices +24.0% on the same month a year earlier

– Export Prices +10.9% on the same month a year earlier

– energy imports were 135.0% more expensive than in December 2020

– gas with a plus of 267.5

– crude oil with a plus of 65.3%.

* * * * * * *

Non più tardi del dicembre scorso il nuovo governo tedesco aveva posto nel proprio programma l’obiettivo irrinunciabile della costruzione, vendita e messa in circolazione di tredici milioni di automobili elettriche.

Tuttavia, a nostro sommesso avviso, con aumenti del natural gas del 267.5% e degli energetici del 135.0%, questo obiettivo sembrerebbe essere ben poco realizzabile.

* * * * * * *


Destatis. Import prices in December 2021: +24.0% on December 2020

                         Import prices, December and year 2021

+0.1% on the previous month

+24.0% on the same month a year earlier

+13.5% on an annual average in 2021 compared to 2020

                         Export prices, December and year 2021

+1.0% on the previous month

+10.9% on the same month a year earlier

+5.6% on an annual average in 2021 compared to 2020

* * * * * * *

Wiesbaden – As reported by the Federal Statistical Office (Destatis), the index of import prices increased by 24.0% in December 2021 compared with the corresponding month of the preceding year. In November 2021 and in October 2021 the annual rates of change were +24.7% and +21.7%, respectively. From November 2021 to December 2021 the index slightly rose by 0.1%.

In 2021 the annual average index of import prices was 13.5% higher than the average index of 2020 (2020: -4.3% compared with 2019). The year-on-year-change in 2021 has been the highest since 1981 (+13.7% on 1980).

                         High price increase mainly caused by energy price development

In December 2021 energy imports were 135.0% more expensive than in December 2020. The largest influence on the year-on-year rate of energy price increase had natural gas with a plus of 267.5 followed by crude oil with a plus of 65.3%.

                         The index of import prices, excluding crude oil and mineral oil products, increased by 21.4% in December 2021 compared with December 2020 and in comparison with November 2021 it rose by 0.6%.

On an annual average in 2021 it was 10.9% above the level of a year earlier.

The index of export prices increased by 10.9% in December 2021 compared with the corresponding month of the preceding year. This has been the highest year-on-year-change since December 1974 (+15.2% on December 1973). In November 2021 and in October 2021 the annual rates of change were +9.9% and +9.5%, respectively. From November 2021 to December 2021 the index rose by 1.0%.

On an annual average it increased by 5.6% in 2021 compared with 2020. The year-on-year-change in 2021 has been the highest since 1981 (+5.8% on 1980).

Pubblicato in: Banche Centrali, Devoluzione socialismo, Stati Uniti

Yellen vede l’inflazione americana al 2% per fine anno 2022. – Bloomberg.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2022-01-29.

Yellen 001

«U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen said she continues to forecast inflation falling close to 2% by the end of 2022»

«I expect inflation throughout much of the year — 12-month changes — to remain above 2%»

«The consumer price index rose 7% in the 12 months through December, the most in almost 40 years, damaging President Joe Biden’s popularity and putting more pressure on the Federal Reserve to sharply tighten monetary policy»

«Yellen said inflation is a “shared responsibility” between the administration and the Fed, and expressed confidence the central bank was moving appropriately»

* * * * * * *

La Yellen è ovviamente libera di riportare pubblicamente il proprio pensiero.

Tuttavia, ci permettiamo di essere profondamente scettici che il sistema economico americano possa realmente vedere entro la fine dell’anno la inflazione calata al 2%.

* * * * * * *


Yellen Still Hopes U.S. Inflation Gets Back to 2% by Year-end.

(Bloomberg) — U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen said she continues to forecast inflation falling close to 2% by the end of 2022.

“I expect inflation throughout much of the year — 12-month changes — to remain above 2%,” Yellen said Thursday in an interview with CNBC television. “But if we’re successful in controlling the pandemic I expect inflation to diminish over the course of the year and hopefully to revert to normal levels by the end of the year, around 2%.”

The consumer price index rose 7% in the 12 months through December, the most in almost 40 years, damaging President Joe Biden’s popularity and putting more pressure on the Federal Reserve to sharply tighten monetary policy. The Fed in December signaled it’s likely to raise interest rates by three-quarters of a percentage point and begin trimming its $8.9 trillion balance sheet this year.

Yellen said inflation is a “shared responsibility” between the administration and the Fed, and expressed confidence the central bank was moving appropriately.

The Treasury chief acknowledged the U.S. economy had been buoyed in 2021 by fiscal stimulus, which is now waning, but said strong household balance sheets should continue to keep demand healthy.

“Households are in good financial shape — in many ways have come out of this even stronger than they were pre-pandemic,” she said. “There’s a buffer stock of savings that accumulated that I think will continue to support the economy in the years ahead, even with less fiscal support.”

Pubblicato in: Banche Centrali, Devoluzione socialismo, Stati Uniti

L’inflazione non il virus condizionerà l’evolversi dell’anno 2022. – Bloomberg.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2022-01-29.

FED 001

«That a good portion of the 2021 inflation “surprise” was due to rising energy prices appeared to strengthen the case for central bank inaction, because higher fuel costs, on balance, tend to slow growth»

L’indice dei prezzi alla produzione, Producer Price Index, PPI, valeva il 9.7% il 13 gennaio.

«In 2021, prices for processed goods for intermediate demand surged 24.4 percent»

«index for unprocessed goods for intermediate demand surged 38.0 percent»

Buona quota dell’inflazione americana è sostenuta dal costo delle materie prime che deve importare: costi questi che verosimilmente non diminuiranno nel corso del 2022, continuando così a sostenere l’inflazione.

* * * * * * *

«The coronavirus isn’t going to be public enemy No. 1 for the global economy in 2022»

«The biggest dangers this year will stem from inflation»

«This is the year we’ll find out whether the global economy is robust enough to get by with less help from governments and central banks»

«There’s just one problem. From ground level, nothing about this economy looks normal; it’s completely out of whack. If that’s still true in 12 months, policymakers will almost certainly have messed up»

«There were at least 10 million job vacancies across the U.S. at the end of 2021, which every restaurant manager, plant foreman, and chief executive will tell you they’re struggling to fill»

«Dig into the numbers, and you’ll find at least 5 million adult Americans not working today who were gainfully employed at the start of 2020»

«The U.K. had more than a million unfilled jobs in November but at least 600,000 more people sitting on the sidelines of the job market than at the start of 2020. They are declining to take up work even as wages pick up»

«Collectively, Americans had an estimated US$2.6 trillion in extra savings sitting in their bank accounts as of midyear, a stash that equals 12 per cent of gross domestic product»

«For much of 2021, policymakers at the Federal Reserve and many other central banks felt confident dismissing the labor shortages and supply-chain bottlenecks as short-term consequences of the pandemic»

«Lingering fear of COVID and those extra federal dollars in bank accounts were discouraging many of the unemployed from returning to work»

«That a good portion of the 2021 inflation “surprise” was due to rising energy prices appeared to strengthen the case for central bank inaction, because higher fuel costs, on balance, tend to slow growth»

«But by Thanksgiving, U.S. consumer price inflation was running at 6.8 per cent a year»

«Spikes in infections could still weigh on economic activity in the short term by pushing absenteeism sharply higher—as is already happening in the U.S. and U.K. Yet in the longer term, omicron’s arrival could speed the transition from pandemic to endemic, reducing the need for economically disruptive lockdowns»

«Global equity markets were worth about US$150 trillion at the end of 2021, having doubled in value since March 2020»

«The majority of American consumers still have money to spend—that extra US$2.6 trillion sitting in bank accounts»

«Assume the U.S. economy can withstand monetary tightening. What about the rest of the world? Shifts in the Fed’s stance may spur a flight of money to the U.S. and away from riskier markets»

«Many emerging-market economies will face a difficult choice between raising rates themselves to stem outflows or keeping them low to sustain the domestic recovery»

«Another is that the People’s Bank of China, for the first time in living memory, is going to be moving in exactly the opposite direction from the Fed»

«This is a big deal, the monetary analogue to China’s top diplomat»

«By loosening policy to support an economy struggling with the effects of a property market crackdown at the same time the Fed is tightening, the PBOC will be making its own declaration of independence from the U.S.»

«Italy is still deemed the country most likely to cause the next European financial crisis, and none of Draghi’s likely successors have the stature of the former ECB president nor the confidence of other European leaders and international investors»

«The bigger question, then, isn’t whether Fed Chair Jerome Powell and company will have done too much by the end of the year but rather will they have done enough?»

«My fear is that we are already reaching a point where it will be challenging to reduce inflation without giving rise to recession»

«rates the Fed’s “transitory” line on inflation “probably the worst inflation call in the history of the Federal Reserve.”»

«2023 will be the year we all pay the price»

* * * * * * *


Biggest threat to global economy in 2022? Inflation, not Omicron.

News flash: The coronavirus isn’t going to be public enemy No. 1 for the global economy in 2022. The biggest dangers this year will stem from inflation and the risk that policymakers will call the post-COVID recovery wrong.

This is the year we’ll find out whether the global economy is robust enough to get by with less help from governments and central banks. And whether inflation is a temporary byproduct of COVID or a more persistent problem.

When confronted with a wide range of possibilities, forecasters usually settle somewhere in the middle. Among those Bloomberg surveyed, the consensus is that the world economy will expand 4.4 per cent in 2022, after the 5.8 per cent bounceback of 2021. From 2023 onward, most agree, growth will return to its long-term norm of around 3.5 per cent, as if COVID never happened.

There’s just one problem. From ground level, nothing about this economy looks normal; it’s completely out of whack. If that’s still true in 12 months, policymakers will almost certainly have messed up.

Take the labor market. There were at least 10 million job vacancies across the U.S. at the end of 2021, which every restaurant manager, plant foreman, and chief executive will tell you they’re struggling to fill. The labor shortage shows up everywhere—except in the statistics. Dig into the numbers, and you’ll find at least 5 million adult Americans not working today who were gainfully employed at the start of 2020.

The U.S. isn’t the only country with workers missing in action. The U.K. had more than a million unfilled jobs in November but at least 600,000 more people sitting on the sidelines of the job market than at the start of 2020. They are declining to take up work even as wages pick up.

Whether it’s waiters or truck drivers, microchips or cream cheese, the mismatch between demand and supply has become the leitmotif of the COVID recovery—the legacy of a crazy 18-month period that saw the world’s biggest economy shrink by almost 20 per cent in six months then gain it all back by the middle of 2021.

The big winners from that historic bounce were U.S. households, whose wealth soared thanks to booming real estate and stock markets (that is, those that had wealth to begin with). Collectively, Americans had an estimated US$2.6 trillion in extra savings sitting in their bank accounts as of midyear, a stash that equals 12 per cent of gross domestic product.

For much of 2021, policymakers at the Federal Reserve and many other central banks felt confident dismissing the labor shortages and supply-chain bottlenecks as short-term consequences of the pandemic. Lingering fear of COVID and those extra federal dollars in bank accounts were discouraging many of the unemployed from returning to work. Give it time, and these issues will get sorted out, the central banks reasoned.

That a good portion of the 2021 inflation “surprise” was due to rising energy prices appeared to strengthen the case for central bank inaction, because higher fuel costs, on balance, tend to slow growth. But by Thanksgiving, U.S. consumer price inflation was running at 6.8 per cent a year, the highest since Ronald Reagan was president and about three times the Fed’s forecast at the start of 2021.

So in December the narrative finally shifted from “It’s transitory” to “It’s taking so long to move on, it may need a kick,” and markets are now betting the Fed will hike interest rates at least three times in 2022. The Bank of England, expecting inflation to go above 6 per cent in the coming months, got a head start at its last policy meeting of 2021, raising interest rates by 25 basis points. Investors have penciled in another four increases in 2022.

The European Central Bank hasn’t raised its policy rate in more than a decade, and its president, Christine Lagarde, has said an increase isn’t in the cards this year either. The 19-country euro zone is less inflation-prone than the U.K. and the U.S. to start with, plus its economic recovery has been less robust. Nonetheless, with the latest data release showing that consumer prices increased at a record pace of 5 per cent in the year through December, the ECB could also come under pressure to hike.

So we know that the world’s most important central bank will be withdrawing support from the economy, and others may not be far behind. The course of 2022 will be shaped by whether that’s too much for the recovery to take or whether it’s too little, too late.

It used to be that central banks caused most recessions. To be on the “too much” side of the argument and worry about the Fed causing the next one, it helps to be pessimistic about the economic fallout from the omicron variant and also to fear the economic side effects of federal stimulus dollars drying up at the same time interest rates are rising.

Bloomberg Economics expects that omicron will have a visible but short-lived effect on growth. Each successive peak in infections has tended to have diminishing economic costs, in part because everyone has gotten better at handling the economic fallout. Omicron appears to be more contagious but less deadly than earlier variants. Spikes in infections could still weigh on economic activity in the short term by pushing absenteeism sharply higher—as is already happening in the U.S. and U.K. Yet in the longer term, omicron’s arrival could speed the transition from pandemic to endemic, reducing the need for economically disruptive lockdowns.

The hit from governments ending support spending is harder to play down, because it’s simple arithmetic. The U.S. economy had two years and a trillion dollars in federal stimulus, much of it in the form of cash handouts. Removing all of that inevitably punches a hole in total demand worth at least 3 per cent of GDP, according to Goldman Sachs Group Inc. chief political economist Alec Phillips. And that forecast assumes that the Biden administration manages to pass its US$1.75 trillion Build Back Better plan, which is spread over 10 years and might add 0.5 percentage point to growth in 2022. All or most of that extra spending could evaporate if the White House cannot cut a deal with West Virginia’s Democratic Senator, Joe Manchin, who’s a holdout.

Will this about-face for both fiscal and monetary policy kill the global recovery? Financial markets don’t seem to think so. Global equity markets were worth about US$150 trillion at the end of 2021, having doubled in value since March 2020. The broad S&P 500 index of U.S. stocks even managed to go up on the day the Fed announced it would be tapering off its bond purchases faster to clear the runway for rate liftoff.

Bloomberg Economics expects the U.S. economy to grow at a 4.4 per cent pace through the first half of 2022, despite the hit to spending and investment from omicron and the withdrawal of federal stimulus, slowing to a still respectable 2.7 per cent in the second half. One big reason: The majority of American consumers still have money to spend—that extra US$2.6 trillion sitting in bank accounts. And, for once, that money isn’t concentrated among the richest households, probably because an estimated two-thirds came from government handouts.

Anna Wong, chief U.S. economist at Bloomberg Economics, reckons that a family with income in the US$24,000 to US$75,000 range now has enough of a cushion to maintain pre-pandemic spending for at least another two months without cutting into regular savings. This group would typically have little or no financial wiggle room at all.

Assume the U.S. economy can withstand monetary tightening. What about the rest of the world? Shifts in the Fed’s stance may spur a flight of money to the U.S. and away from riskier markets. Many emerging-market economies will face a difficult choice between raising rates themselves to stem outflows or keeping them low to sustain the domestic recovery. Ziad Daoud of Bloomberg Economics has identified five that are especially vulnerable to rising U.S. rates: Brazil, Egypt, Argentina, South Africa, and Turkey, or the Beasts. (Although President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s unconventional approach to taming inflation, by cutting rates, arguably puts Turkey in a class of its own.)

Overall, emerging-market policy rates will probably go up, but Bloomberg Economics anticipates that these economies, excluding China, will grow 4.8 per cent in 2022. That’s almost 2 percentage points lower than in 2021, though it’s well above pre-COVID levels.

The biggest reason the world might be able to shrug off the impact of Fed tightening is that the ECB and the Bank of Japan are committed to keeping rates at rock bottom for the time being. So there’s still a lot of cheap money floating around the world in search of a home. This partly explains why long-term interest rates—as reflected in the yield on 10-year U.S. Treasury bonds—haven’t reacted very dramatically to the Fed’s plans to raise short-term rates.

Another is that the People’s Bank of China, for the first time in living memory, is going to be moving in exactly the opposite direction from the Fed. This is a big deal, the monetary analogue to China’s top diplomat, Yang Jiechi, telling U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken where he could put his lectures about human rights at their fractious first meeting in Alaska in March. By loosening policy to support an economy struggling with the effects of a property market crackdown at the same time the Fed is tightening, the PBOC will be making its own declaration of independence from the U.S.

For Europe the wild cards this year will be energy costs and politics. Gas and electricity prices are at record highs because of nuclear shutdowns in France and reduced supplies of Russian natural gas. Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi has argued that governments need to take action to protect consumers, but governments already carrying a lot of extra debt won’t relish having to help out again.

In France the energy crisis and a potential sixth wave of COVID will provide the backdrop for a presidential election that, barring a last-minute upset, will likely see Emmanuel Macron hold on to power.

Italy’s future looks less certain following the surprise news in December that Draghi may seek the presidency, leaving the more hands-on job of prime minister to someone else. Voting begins on Jan. 24. Italy is still deemed the country most likely to cause the next European financial crisis, and none of Draghi’s likely successors have the stature of the former ECB president nor the confidence of other European leaders and international investors.

In the U.K., after a string of political scandals, many now expect Prime Minister Boris Johnson to be ousted in a party coup sometime in the first half of 2022. Mujtaba Rahman, managing director for Europe at the Eurasia Group Ltd., a political-risk consulting company, puts a 40 per cent probability on Johnson losing power by the end of the year. But with no parliamentary election on the horizon, a change of leadership will possibly not have a big impact on the handling of the economy.

Let’s shift our attention back to the U.S., which for better or worse dominates any discussion about the trajectory of the global recovery, because it generates approximately one-quarter of world output. Investors are pricing in only three U.S. rate increases in 2022. Bloomberg Economics sees the Fed’s latest forecasts for the unemployment rate and core inflation as consistent with six hikes. But even that would barely take the main U.S. policy rate above 1 per cent by yearend, well below inflation and below the pre-COVID level.

With or without President Joe Biden’s Build Back Better spending, it would be surprising if those hikes were enough to stall an economy that entered the year with significant momentum. The bigger question, then, isn’t whether Fed Chair Jerome Powell and company will have done too much by the end of the year but rather will they have done enough?

“My fear is that we are already reaching a point where it will be challenging to reduce inflation without giving rise to recession,” said former U.S. Treasury Secretary Larry Summers in an interview in December. The economist and Bloomberg contributor worried early and often in 2021 that President Biden’s US$1.9 trillion COVID-relief package would stoke inflation without doing much to increase underlying growth. His argument, that a third round of short-term stimulus wasn’t really needed, looks stronger now that we have household data suggesting U.S. families had collectively already made up all of the pandemic shortfall in wage income by the time the package was passed in the spring.

Plenty of others have joined Summers in the peanut gallery taking shots at the Fed, among them economist and Bloomberg columnist Mohamed El-Erian, who rates the Fed’s “transitory” line on inflation “probably the worst inflation call in the history of the Federal Reserve.”

To believe it’s going to take more than a few interest-rate increases to kill inflation, it helps to have the view that supply side problems are only partly to blame for higher prices. Also, that workers in this out-of-kilter COVID economy suddenly have leverage to extract increasingly hefty wage rises from employers. U.S. hourly wages rose 5.8 per cent in October from the previous year, the third-highest year-over-year wage growth since the early 1980s. A broader measure of wages and benefits also logged its biggest one-quarter increase this century.

It’s been more than four decades since the U.S. saw a wage-price spiral. For America’s hourly workers, pay has barely kept up with inflation since the 1980s, let alone helped fuel it, a trend underpinned by globalization, falling union membership, and rising automation. Even so, the sheer level of demand in the second half of 2021 should give pause to anyone who thinks U.S. inflation will go away overnight.

The consensus among the economists Bloomberg regularly surveys is that the pandemic may have changed the way we work and shop in an enduring way, but that the basic dynamics of demand and supply will revert to the norm fairly quickly once we neutralize the threat from the virus. Then inflation will start gravitating back toward the Fed’s long-term goal of 2 per cent. If they’re right, policymakers will have managed to steer the U.S. economy to a soft landing and avoid a recession. If they’re wrong, 2023 will be the year we all pay the price.

Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Economia e Produzione Industriale

Biden. Industria americana insorge contro eventuali sanzioni alla Russia.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2022-01-28.

Casa Bianca

La grande industria americana insorge contro la possibilità che Joe Biden imponga alla Russia sanzioni che alla fine penalizzerebbero proprio l’industria americana stessa.

* * * * * * *

«U.S. President Joe Biden has threatened to impose devastating sanctions on Russia if leader Vladimir Putin invades Ukraine, but some big companies and business groups are pushing the White House and lawmakers to be cautious»

«A trade group representing Chevron, General Electric and other big U.S. corporations that do business in Russia is asking the White House to consider allowing companies to fulfill commitments and to weigh exempting products as it crafts any sanctions»

«At the same time, big energy companies are pushing Congress to limit their scope and time frame»

«Those details should include consideration of safe harbors or wind-down periods to enable companies to fulfill existing contracts and obligations, as well as carve-outs for lifesaving medicines and other humanitarian considerations consistent with longstanding U.S. policy»

«Energy companies have also reached out directly to U.S. lawmakers to press for a “cool down” or “wind down” period so their assets are not seized if they are unable to fulfill business agreements in Russia»

«The American Petroleum Institute, the largest U.S. lobbying organization for oil and gas drillers, has discussed sanctions on Russia with congressional offices»

«Export sanctions are typically phased in, giving companies time to wind down their existing business, or ensure delivery arrivals»

«Oil companies felt the aftermath of the U.S. sanctions on some of Russia’s more expensive drilling operations for years after Putin invaded Crimea in 2014»

«The measures forced Exxon Mobil out of Russia’s Arctic and ended the company’s collaboration with Russian state oil company Rosneft (ROSN.MM), with which it signed a $3.2 billion deal in 2011 to develop the region»

«Exxon’s argued the sanctions, which slowed work on a major discovery in the Kara Sea above the Arctic Circle, unfairly penalized U.S. companies while allowing foreign companies to operate in the country, one of the world’s largest oil producers»

«New sanctions could be broader, but also tricky to pull off without damage to Western companies»

«U.S. goods and services trade with Russia totaled an estimated $34.9 billion in 2019»

* * * * * * *

La grande industria occidentale è in aperta rivolta contro i governi liberal socialisti. Senza peli sulla lingua.

Pochi giorni or sono era stato il turno dei tedeschi.

Lituania. Le multinazionali tedesche premono a favore della Cina. Smacco della EU.

«Lithuania has become a no-go zone in China».

«China views …. Taiwan as its territory …. The covert form of trade sanctions came into being after Lithuania recently invited Taiwan, which China claims as its own territory, to open a “representative office” in Vilnius»

«China has told multinationals to sever ties with Lithuania or face being shut out of the Chinese market»

* * *

Nell’enclave liberal-socialista occidentale si amplia in continuazione la dicotomia tra una conduzione politica ideologizzata ed il comparto produttivo: a questo punto esigenze ed obiettivi sono diventati antitetici.

Le ideologie offuscano le menti e spingono ad un pensiero coatto, avulso dalla percezione del reale.

Ma ci si ricordi come la grande industria sia il principale finanziatore delle campagne elettorali, e che le elezioni di midterm si stano avvicinando.

* * *


U.S. companies push Biden, Congress for caution on Russia sanctions.

Washington, Jan 26 (Reuters) – U.S. President Joe Biden has threatened to impose devastating sanctions on Russia if leader Vladimir Putin invades Ukraine, but some big companies and business groups are pushing the White House and lawmakers to be cautious.

A trade group representing Chevron, General Electric and other big U.S. corporations that do business in Russia is asking the White House to consider allowing companies to fulfill commitments and to weigh exempting products as it crafts any sanctions. At the same time, big energy companies are pushing Congress to limit their scope and time frame.

The Biden administration and Congress need to “get the details right in case they must follow through on the threat of sanctions,” Jake Colvin, president of The National Foreign Trade Council, told Reuters Monday.

“Those details should include consideration of safe harbors or wind-down periods to enable companies to fulfill existing contracts and obligations, as well as carve-outs for lifesaving medicines and other humanitarian considerations consistent with longstanding U.S. policy,” Colvin said.

Energy companies have also reached out directly to U.S. lawmakers to press for a “cool down” or “wind down” period so their assets are not seized if they are unable to fulfill business agreements in Russia, a congressional aide told Reuters.

The American Petroleum Institute, the largest U.S. lobbying organization for oil and gas drillers, has discussed sanctions on Russia with congressional offices. “Sanctions should be as targeted as possible in order to limit potential harm to the competitiveness of U.S. companies,” an API spokesperson said.

Export sanctions are typically phased in, giving companies time to wind down their existing business, or ensure delivery arrivals, said William Reinsch, a former senior U.S. Commerce Department official.

But in this case, the sanctions are likely to be applied suddenly, in the middle of a crisis, making a “wind down” period more difficult to secure, he said.

The U.S. Treasury in the past has provided some mitigation measures on financial sanctions, such as granting licenses protecting senders of humanitarian aid and personal remittance flows to Afghanistan despite sanctions against the ruling Taliban.

A U.S. Treasury official declined to comment on any such measures regarding potential sanctions against Russia, but added: “We are prepared to deliver severe costs to the Russian economy while minimizing unwanted spillover.”

CRIMEA SANCTIONS LEGACY

Oil companies felt the aftermath of the U.S. sanctions on some of Russia’s more expensive drilling operations for years after Putin invaded Crimea in 2014.

The measures forced Exxon Mobil (XOM.N) out of Russia’s Arctic and ended the company’s collaboration with Russian state oil company Rosneft (ROSN.MM), with which it signed a $3.2 billion deal in 2011 to develop the region.

Exxon’s argued the sanctions, which slowed work on a major discovery in the Kara Sea above the Arctic Circle, unfairly penalized U.S. companies while allowing foreign companies to operate in the country, one of the world’s largest oil producers.

The 2014 sanctions hit the easiest targets in Russia’s high-tech exploration oil and gas projects in the Arctic, Siberian shale and deep sea.

New sanctions could be broader, but also tricky to pull off without damage to Western companies.

One possible “safe harbor” measure could protect companies from legal liability for sanctions violations if certain conditions were met, said Reinsch, such as showing that a shipment went to the sanctioned country without permission, perhaps from a third country.

Exxon did not immediately respond to a request for comment about any lobbying it is doing on the potential Russia sanctions.

A spokesman for the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the largest lobbying group for American business, declined to comment on the topic.

U.S. goods and services trade with Russia totaled an estimated $34.9 billion in 2019, according to the U.S. Trade Representative’s office.

Pubblicato in: Banche Centrali, Devoluzione socialismo, Economia e Produzione Industriale

Germania. Dec21. Indice Prezzi Produzione, Ppi, +24.4% su Dec20. Weimar si avvicina.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2022-01-28.

2022-01-25__ Germany PPI 001

                         In sintesi.

– the index of producer prices for industrial products increased by 24.2% compared with December 2020

– Energy prices as a whole were up 69.0% compared to December 2020

– strong price increases of natural gas (distribution) which was +121.9% on December 2020 and electricity (+74.3%)

* * *

– Prices of intermediate goods increased by 19.3% compared to December 2020

– the increase of metals’ prices, which were 36.1% up on December 2020

– Prices of metallic steel and ferro-alloys increased by 54.4%

– Prices of non-ferrous metals were up 24.5%

– price increases of secondary raw materials +69.1%

– wooden containers +66.9%

– fertilisers and nitrogen compounds +63.5 %

– sawn timber were up 61.5%

– packaging industry increased by 41.3%

– paperboard were up 30.3%

– prepared feeds for farm animals rose by 26.8%

– cereal flour by 21.5%

– the price increase of crude vegetable oils +54.5%

– Butter prices rose by 48.1%

– Beef prices increased by 18.8% compared to December 2020

– Energy prices were up 24.8% on the annual average of 2020

– In 2021 natural gas prices (distribution) rose by 41.7%

– prices of petroleum products by 27.6% and electricity prices by 25.1%

* * * * * * *

La Germania è in piena stagflazione.

È del tutto sequenziale che gli aumenti dei prezzi negli scambi tra i grossisti si ripercuotano poi sui prezzi al consumo, generando una spirale perversa che si autosostiene.

La puntigliosa elencazione di tutti i settori con significativi aumenti dei prezzi degli scambi tra grossisti è stata riportata per far comprendere meglio l’entità del disastro.

L’inflazione è una creatura satanica, come bene evidenzia la storia di Weimar.

* * * * * * *


Destatis. Producer prices in December 2021: +24.2% on December 2020.

Producer prices of industrial products (domestic market), December 2021

+5.0% on the previous month

+24.2% on the same month a year earlier

+10.5% on an annual average in 2021 compared to 2020

* * * * * * *

Wiesbaden – In December 2021, the index of producer prices for industrial products increased by 24.2% compared with December 2020. As reported by the Federal Statistical Office this was the highest increase ever compared to the corresponding month of the preceding year. Compared with the preceding month November 2021 the overall index rose by 5.0% in December 2021.

Mainly responsible for the increase of producer prices still was the price increase of energy.

                         Strong increase in prices for all energy sources

Energy prices as a whole were up 69.0% compared to December 2020 and by 15.7% compared to November 2021. Mainly responsible for the high rise of energy prices were the strong price increases of natural gas (distribution) which was +121.9% on December 2020 and electricity (+74.3%).

The overall index disregarding energy was 10.4% up on December 2020.

                         Significant price increase on intermediate goods, especially regarding metals, secondary raw materials, fertilisers and wood

Prices of intermediate goods increased by 19.3% compared to December 2020. Compared to November 2021 these prices were up 0.9 %. The highest impact on the price development of intermediate goods had the increase of metals’ prices, which were 36.1% up on December 2020. Prices of metallic steel and ferro-alloys increased by 54.4%. Prices of non-ferrous metals were up 24.5%.

Especially high were the price increases of secondary raw materials (+69.1%), of wooden containers (+66.9%) and of fertilisers and nitrogen compounds (+63.5 %), whose prices rose by 13.8% compared to the previous month November 2021. Prices of sawn timber were up 61.5%, but fell compared to the previous month for the fourth time in succession.

Compared to December 2020 prices of corrugated paper and paperboard, which are important for the packaging industry, increased by 41.3%, prices of paper and paperboard were up 30.3%. Prices of prepared feeds for farm animals rose by 26.8% and of cereal flour by 21.5%.

                         Growth in prices of non-durable consumer goods mainly due to increasing prices for oils and fat

Prices of non-durable consumer goods increased by 4.7% compared to December 2020 and rose by 0.8% compared to November 2021. From December 2020 to December 2021 food prices increased by 6.4%. Especially high was the price increase of crude vegetable oils (+54.5%). Butter prices rose by 48.1% (+7.6% compared to November 2021). Beef prices increased by 18.8% compared to December 2020, coffee prices by 10.6%.

Prices of capital goods, such as machines and vehicles, rose by 3.8%. Especially high was the price increase of parts and accessories of computing machines (+18.5%) and of metal structures and parts of structures (+17.9%). Prices of durable consumer goods increased by 3.7% compared to December 2020, mainly caused by the price development of furniture (+4.9%).

                         Results on the annual average of 2021

In 2021, the annual average index of producer prices for industrial products increased by 10.5% compared to the average index of 2020. In 2020 it had been down 1.0% on 2019.

The development of energy prices had the greatest impact on the development of the annual average of the total index due to its high rate of change in combination with its high weighting factor. Energy prices were up 24.8% on the annual average of 2020 (2020 compared to 2019: -4.0%). In 2021 natural gas prices (distribution) rose by 41.7%, prices of petroleum products by 27.6% and electricity prices by 25.1%.

Disregarding energy, producer prices increased by 6.1% compared to 2020 (unchanged in 2020 compared to 2019).

Prices of intermediate products rose by 12.5% compared to 2020 (-1.5% in 2020 compared to 2019). The price increase of metals (+25.4%) had the greatest impact on that development. Prices of metallic secondary raw materials were up 69.3%. Sawn timber prices rose by 52.5%, prices of wooden containers by 49.8% and those of prepared feeds for farm animals by 19.3%.

Prices of durable consumer goods increased by 2.3% compared to 2020, capital goods by 2.0%.

Prices of non-durable consumer goods increased by 1.1%, food prices were up 1.1% as well. Especially high was the price increase of crude vegetable oils (+35.9%). Butter prices were up 17.6%, sugar prices 10.3%. By contrast, pork prices fell by 11.1%.

Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Stati Uniti

Biden. Indice di approvazione a -33. È il migliore alleato dei repubblicani.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2022-01-27.

2022-01-27__ Rasmussen 001

«The Rasmussen Reports daily Presidential Tracking Poll …. shows that 39% of Likely U.S. Voters approve of President Biden’s job performance. Sixty percent (60%) disapprove.»

«The latest figures include 17% who Strongly Approve of the job Biden is doing and 50% who Strongly Disapprove. This gives him a Presidential Approval Index rating of -33.»

* * * * * * *

Più che parlare di Indice di approvazione si dovrebbe dire Tasso di esecrabilità.

Mai nella storia un presidente raggiunse un Presidential Approval Index rating di -33.

Joe Biden è il miglior alleato dei repubblicani: intanto le elezioni di midterm si avvicinano a grandi passi.