Giuseppe Sandro Mela.
2022-11-24.
Gli Elettori hanno negato a Joe Biden ed ai liberal democratici il controllo del Congresso, i cui congressisti repubblicani sono tutti fedelissimi del Presidente Trump.
Biden aveva presentato midterm come un referendum su di sé e sulla ideologia liberal, e gli Elettori lo hanno punito severamente.
Ma senza poter controllare il Congresso, Biden conta nulla. Non può più proteggere nessuno, né negli States né all’estero. È un pappagallo impagliato collocato nell’atrio della White House.
Ma a questo consegue che tutti coloro che fondavano il proprio potere e la propria esistenza su Joe Biden ed i liberal democratici sono rimasti privi di copertura politica ed economica.
L’elenco dei picciotti rimasti indifesi ed esposti alle vendette è impressionantemente lungo.
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«Questa negazione totale dell’uomo, la sovversione della fede e dei valori tradizionali, la soppressione della libertà assumono le caratteristiche di una religione al contrario – un vero e proprio satanismo.» [Putin. Discorso del 20 settembre]
Ma ciò che ha reso Joe Biden ed i liberal democratici odiosi ed odiati nel mondo intero è stata la loro pretesa che l’accettazione della loro ideologia fosse la conditio sine qua non di ogni qualsiasi forma di rapporto sociale, politico ed economico con gli Stati Uniti. Unitamente alla loro presunzione di essere i giudici dell’universo.
Condizione questa da tempo non più reale, che riduceva i loro diktat a mere parole senza conseguenza alcuna. La situazione economica degli States li rende paese non più economicamente egemone.
Perdendo poi il Congresso, Joe Biden vale meno dello straccio per lavare per terra.
Midterm. Biden polarizza le elezioni riducendole a scontro ideologico. Ad un referendum.
«La democrazia americana è sotto attacco perché l’ex presidente sconfitto ha rifiutato di accettare i risultati delle elezioni del 2020»
«Non e’ un referendum su di me, ma una scelta tra due visioni di paese»
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Hillary Clinton a New York: “In gioco aborto e diritti gay”.
«Un richiamo a votare per difendere il diritto all’aborto e allontanare la paura: è quello che ha lanciato Hillary Clinton, che è scesa in campo a New York a sostegno della governatrice democratica Kathy Hochul, la cui riconferma è messa a rischio dall’ascesa dello sfidante repubblicano, Lee Zeldin.»
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Midterm. House. 219 seggi. Il Congresso adesso indagherà sui brogli.
I repubblicani hanno conquistato un altro seggio al Congresso, consolidando la loro maggioranza.
Da subito il nuovo Congresso indagherà su Joe Biden e suo figlio Hunter, ma indagherà anche su tutta la pletora di brogli elettorali perpetrati dai liberal democratici.
Lo Elettorato ha tolto la fiducia a Joe Biden ed ai liberal democratici. Ma a questo consegue che tutti coloro che fondavano il proprio potere e la propria esistenza su Joe Biden ed i liberal democratici sono rimasti privi di copertura politica ed economica.
Dura sarà la vita dei media ex di regime.
Adesso altro non sono che la voce di quello che avrebbe detto Joe Biden se gli Elettori non lo avessero trombato.
«Trump’s false claims that the 2020 election was fraudulent».
Risponderanno alla inchiesta del Congresso su simili affermazioni settarie e menzognere. Vi furono e vi sono tuttora giganteschi brogli elettorali.
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Tra gli orfani illustri citiamo il Vaticano, il Collegio Cardinalizio e le Conferenze Episcopali, più gran parte del clero.
Chiunque abbia letto e meditato il Liber Gomorrhianus scritto da san Pier Damiani nel 1051 vi ritrova il motivo per il quale abbiano abbracciato con entusiasmo l’ideologia liberal: per cercare di giustificare e continuare a mantenere le proprie depravazioni.
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Il controllo repubblicano della Camera può potenzialmente limitare la capacità del Presidente di raggiungere gli obiettivi di politica estera, in particolare sull’Ucraina. Il Presidente Biden dovrà affrontare nuove sfide per portare avanti la sua agenda globale dopo le elezioni di midterm, dato che si prevede che i guadagni dei repubblicani aumenteranno lo scetticismo del Congresso sul sostegno degli Stati Uniti all’Ucraina, rinnoveranno l’esame della posizione dell’America all’estero e avvieranno indagini polarizzanti sulla gestione dell’Afghanistan e dell’immigrazione. Il controllo repubblicano della Camera può potenzialmente limitare la capacità di Biden di raggiungere gli obiettivi chiave della politica estera, compresa la sua intenzione di continuare a fornire alti livelli di aiuto all’Ucraina nella guerra contro la Russia.
Ma forse la preoccupazione più immediata per Biden e i suoi consiglieri è la possibilità che una Camera controllata dai repubblicani imponga nuovi ostacoli al suo desiderio di continuare l’ampio sostegno militare ed economico che la sua amministrazione ha fornito all’Ucraina. Il rappresentante Kevin McCarthy (California), in lizza per diventare speaker della Camera quando i repubblicani prenderanno il potere a gennaio, ha segnalato che il GOP della Camera potrebbe porre fine o limitare la spesa per la guerra. Un sondaggio del 3 novembre pubblicato dal Wall Street Journal ha mostrato che il 48% dei repubblicani ha dichiarato che gli Stati Uniti stanno facendo troppo per l’Ucraina, con un netto aumento rispetto al 6% di marzo.
Dobbiamo smettere di lasciare che Zelensky chieda soldi e armi ai contribuenti statunitensi mentre cerca di trascinarci nella terza guerra mondiale. Niente più soldi all’Ucraina.
Un’altra sfida che Biden deve affrontare con una Camera controllata dai repubblicani è la probabilità di indagini congressuali controverse relative alla sua gestione degli affari internazionali, che potrebbero distrarre dalle priorità dell’amministrazione. Queste includono potenziali indagini sul figlio di Biden, Hunter, e sui suoi affari all’estero, tra cui una società energetica cinese; la risposta dell’amministrazione alla pandemia di coronavirus e la sua politica di immigrazione. Resta da vedere se l’indagine prevista sul ritiro di Biden dall’Afghanistan, ampiamente considerato un fallimento in politica estera, sarà in grado di rivaleggiare con l’accesa divisività dell’indagine condotta dai repubblicani sulla morte di quattro americani a Bengasi, in Libia, nel 2012.
La Casa Bianca dovrà anche decidere se e come modificare le relazioni degli Stati Uniti con l’Arabia Saudita, che hanno raggiunto il livello più basso degli ultimi decenni dopo che il regno, insieme ad altri grandi produttori di petrolio, ha annunciato di voler tagliare la produzione di petrolio un mese prima delle elezioni di metà mandato, spingendo Biden ad avvertire con rabbia delle conseguenze.
Ci sarà un livello di rabbia residua.
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«Republican control of the House has potential to constrain the president’s ability to achieve foreign policy goals, notably on Ukraine. President Biden will confront new challenges in advancing his global agenda following the midterm elections, as Republican gains are expected to deepen congressional skepticism about U.S. support for Ukraine, renew scrutiny of America’s posture abroad and initiate polarizing probes into his handling of Afghanistan and immigration. Republican control of the House has the potential to constrain Biden’s ability to achieve key foreign policy goals, including his intent to continue providing high levels of aid for Ukraine in the war against Russia»
«But perhaps the most immediate concern for Biden and his advisers is the potential for a Republican-controlled House to impose new obstacles on his desire to continue the extensive military and economic support his administration has provided to Ukraine. Rep. Kevin McCarthy (Calif.), who is vying to become House speaker when Republicans take over in January, has signaled the House GOP could end or limit spending on the war. A Nov. 3 poll published by the Wall Street Journal showed that 48 percent of Republicans said the United States was doing “too much” for Ukraine, a sharp increase from 6 percent in March»
«We must stop letting Zelensky demand money & weapons from U.S. taxpayers while he is trying to drag us into WW3. No more money to Ukraine.»
«Another challenge Biden must navigate with a Republican-controlled House is the likelihood of contentious congressional investigations related to his handling of international affairs, which could distract from the administration’s priorities. Those include potential inquiries into Biden’s son, Hunter, and his overseas business dealings, including with a Chinese energy firm; the administration’s response to the coronavirus pandemic; and its immigration policy. Whether an expected probe into Biden’s withdrawal from Afghanistan, widely seen as a foreign policy failing, will rival the fiery divisiveness of the Republican-led probe into the 2012 death of four Americans in Benghazi, Libya, remains to be seen»
«The White House also will need to decide if and how it will alter the U.S. relationship with Saudi Arabia, which reached its lowest level in decades after the kingdom, along with other major oil producers, announced it would cut oil production a month ahead of the midterms, prompting Biden to angrily warn of consequences.»
«There will be a level of residual anger»
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With GOP House win, Biden faces added curbs on foreign policy.
Republican control of the House has potential to constrain the president’s ability to achieve foreign policy goals, notably on Ukraine.
President Biden will confront new challenges in advancing his global agenda following the midterm elections, as Republican gains are expected to deepen congressional skepticism about U.S. support for Ukraine, renew scrutiny of America’s posture abroad and initiate polarizing probes into his handling of Afghanistan and immigration.
While Democrats have retained their majority in the Senate, Republican control of the House has the potential to constrain Biden’s ability to achieve key foreign policy goals, including his intent to continue providing high levels of aid for Ukraine in the war against Russia. An incident this week in Poland foreshadowed the debates to come, with a segment of the GOP demanding an end to U.S. support after two people died in an explosion that Western officials think was caused, unintentionally, by the Ukrainians. Analysts said those pressures will be tempered, both by Republican divisions on that topic and the president’s broad authority in foreign affairs.
Richard Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations, said substantial bipartisan agreement on some issues, including a desire to take a hawkish stance on China, would blunt the impact on Biden of Republicans’ ascendancy in the elections. He said last week’s polls — which largely defied fears of electoral violence or the immediate rejections of results — would help allay American allies troubled by recent tumult in U.S. politics.
“The good news,” Haass said, “ … is that it shows that, at least to a degree, American democracy is not on life support. That’s a reassuring message to our friends.”
Speaking last week about Democrats’ stronger-than-expected showing at the polls, Biden said he hoped to collaborate with Republicans on foreign affairs, promising to invite congressional leaders from both parties to the White House following his trip to Asia and the Middle East to discuss how they can jointly advance U.S. security and prosperity. “I’m open to any good ideas,” he said.
The midterms’ effect on Biden’s foreign policy agenda takes on greater importance as he prepares for a reelection bid in 2024, when his international record will probably contribute to voters’ decisions.
But perhaps the most immediate concern for Biden and his advisers is the potential for a Republican-controlled House to impose new obstacles on his desire to continue the extensive military and economic support his administration has provided to Ukraine. Security aid to Ukraine has topped $18 billion since Russia’s Feb. 24 invasion, the largest such annual sum since the end of the Cold War, and with Ukrainian forces claiming victory in the strategic city of Kherson, there are few signs the war will conclude anytime soon.
While support for Ukraine remains strong among many senior congressional Republicans, Rep. Kevin McCarthy (Calif.), who is vying to become House speaker when Republicans take over in January, has signaled the House GOP could end or limit spending on the war.
A Nov. 3 poll published by the Wall Street Journal showed that 48 percent of Republicans said the United States was doing “too much” for Ukraine, a sharp increase from 6 percent in March. Even before the election, the potential for a fracturing of U.S. support was generating concern in Kyiv.
Some Republicans’ skepticism of the war was evident after the explosion Tuesday near Poland’s border with Ukraine, a murky incident that U.S. and Polish officials said appears to have involved an errant Ukrainian air defense missile. A day after the incident, as Ukrainian leaders continued to insist that Russia was to blame for the attack, Republicans including Donald Trump Jr. and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (Ga.) said the incident was further proof of the need to stop arming Ukraine.
“We must stop letting Zelensky demand money & weapons from U.S. taxpayers while he is trying to drag us into WW3,” Greene said on Twitter, referring to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky.
The missile attack killing two innocent people in Poland was likely from Ukrainian Air Defense.
We must stop letting Zelensky demand money & weapons from US taxpayers while he is trying to drag us into WW3.
No more money to Ukraine.
It’s time to end this war and demand peace. https://t.co/2TamLW5cDp
— Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene🇺🇸 (@RepMTG) November 16, 2022
While many Republicans have privately expressed skepticism that McCarthy and a Republican-led House would cut off aid all together, one senior GOP aide said funding for Ukraine could become a sort of litmus test as far-right factions of the party assert their policy priorities. Republicans taking control of influential committees, such as Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Tex.), who is poised to preside over the House Foreign Affairs Committee, are likely to face the delicate task of having to accommodate isolationists and hawks within their party.
National security adviser Jake Sullivan has said the White House’s analysis of lawmaker positions suggested that strong congressional support for Ukraine would endure. “I think you will not see these kinds of doomsday scenarios, that the purse strings will be pulled shut and it’s over. I just simply reject that scenario,” he said this month. “Yes, there may be an increasing number of voices that raise questions, but it will still be a very distinct minority.”
Brian Katulis, vice president of policy at the Middle East Institute, said competing pressures from both parties’ edges — liberal Democrats and Republicans allied with former president Donald Trump — would make it easier for Biden to resist dramatic course corrections. Differences within the Democratic Party on Ukraine were visible last month when lawmakers issued and then quickly withdrew a letter urging Biden to negotiate directly with Russia to end the Ukraine war.
“Voices will call out from the margins to do things like cut support for Ukraine or withdraw from the Middle East,” Katulis said. “But those voices lack public support for what they advocate, and the election results will likely reinforce a trend toward a more moderate path for U.S. national security in 2023 to 2024.”
Another challenge Biden must navigate with a Republican-controlled House is the likelihood of contentious congressional investigations related to his handling of international affairs, which could distract from the administration’s priorities. Those include potential inquiries into Biden’s son, Hunter, and his overseas business dealings, including with a Chinese energy firm; the administration’s response to the coronavirus pandemic; and its immigration policy.
Although White House officials may view such investigations as partisan exercises, they will have to comply with at least some of investigators’ document and email requests, which could drain significant time and resources.
Whether an expected probe into Biden’s withdrawal from Afghanistan, widely seen as a foreign policy failing, will rival the fiery divisiveness of the Republican-led probe into the 2012 death of four Americans in Benghazi, Libya, remains to be seen. Those hearings, including a House committee’s marathon questioning of then-presidential hopeful Hillary Clinton, helped propel to national prominence Trump’s eventual secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, then a little-known U.S. representative from Kansas.
While analysts say Biden’s handling of the Ukraine conflict has been more successful, public hearings that revive the grim facts surrounding his ordered departure from Afghanistan — the collapse of the U.S.-backed government to hard-line Taliban militants, the reversal of key gains by women and girls, and complaints by NATO allies who said they weren’t properly consulted — could be politically damaging. Already, Republican members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee issued a report concluding that the administration failed to properly plan for the withdrawal.
Such an investigation has the potential to cast an unfavorable light on Secretary of State Antony Blinken, whose agency had a key role in granting visas to Afghans who had worked with the U.S. government so they could relocate to the United States. Thousands of Afghans eligible for those visas remain stuck in Afghanistan or other locations, unable to emigrate more than a year after the U.S. departure.
Experts said they expect few major changes to the Biden administration’s approach to China, whose global rise has been cast by both parties as America’s biggest foreign policy challenge. While some Republicans have described Biden as soft on China and called for a tougher trade policy, the Biden administration already is moving to reduce China’s access to advanced computer chips while attempting to reorient the U.S. military toward Asia.
Despite the mounting tension, Biden pledged to find areas of bilateral cooperation, on issues such as climate change and food security, following a lengthy meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Indonesia this week.
Biden suggested after their meeting that no Chinese attack on Taiwan was imminent, but it was unclear whether the discussion on the sidelines of an economic summit will diminish the acrimony related to the island, including Beijing’s threats to use force to bring it under Chinese control and a visit to Taipei this fall by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.).
The White House also will need to decide if and how it will alter the U.S. relationship with Saudi Arabia, which reached its lowest level in decades after the kingdom, along with other major oil producers, announced it would cut oil production a month ahead of the midterms, prompting Biden to angrily warn of “consequences.” Officials said any steps by the administration to retaliate for the decision, which was seen as a particular affront just months after Biden made a controversial trip to Saudi Arabia, would come after the midterms.
Congressional Democrats have put forward a number of proposals in response, including potential decisions that would freeze security cooperation with Saudi Arabia, withdraw U.S. troops, divert planned arms sales or remove OPEC Plus’s exemption from U.S. antitrust laws.
David Schenker, who served as a senior State Department official for the Middle East during the Trump administration and now is a scholar at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said Republicans likewise may be inclined to penalize the kingdom. He said many GOP lawmakers are exasperated that strong Republican support for Saudi Arabia under Trump, including the Trump State Department’s unusual decision to sell the kingdom arms over the objections of Congress, was followed by an OPEC cut seen as a major snub to Americans of both parties.
“They felt they had gone out on a limb to defend Saudi Arabia, and [the oil decision] was really hurting industries at home in their districts,” he said.
While it’s not yet certain whether Republicans and Democrats will come together in sufficient numbers to pass punitive legislation, Schenker said one thing remains clear: “There will be a level of residual anger.”
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