A tutt’oggi on è dato di sapere se Mr Trump sia o meno presente al summit: non ha ancora risposto alla richiesta di adesione. Di certo si potrebbe soltanto dire che:
– “U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo chose not to attend” alla riunione preparatoria.
– “The Trump administration pushed the G-7 nations to water down a declaration on gender equality last week as part of its broad effort to stamp out references to sexual and reproductive health”
– “Environment ministers of the G7 nations met in France Sunday, a day ahead of the release of what is expected to be another alarming report on the state of the planet …. But Andrew Wheeler, the former coal lobbyist appointed by President Donald Trump to head of the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), told the meeting too much attention was being paid to the worst-case scenarios on climate change.»
* * * * * * *
Inutile sottolineare come la eventuale assenza di Mr Trump decreterebbe la morte del G7. Ma anche una sua presenza scettica non concorrerebbe a rinvigorire questa istituzione.
Da quanto sembrerebbe di poter capire, Mr Macron ha stilato l’agenda senza quasi consultarsi con gli altri paesi membri, molti dei quali potrebbero avere seri dubbi in proposito.
Poi, i capi di governo che si riuniranno avranno ciascuno le proprie grane.
Mr Trudeau, premier canadese, tra qualche mese andrà incontro alle elezioni politiche che lo vedrebbero sconfitto secondo i sondaggi.
Mr Macron risulterebbe essere indebolito dalla rivolta dei Gilets Jaunes, ma soprattuto dal fatto che nelle ultime elezioni il suo partito sia stato battuto da RN di Marine Le Pen.
Frau Merkel è ancora cancelliera tedesca, ma è reduce da una impressionante serie di rovesci elettorali e si appresta a delle elezioni nei Länder orientali che dovrebbero sancire la morte politica della Cdu.
Al momento in cui si scrive, il Regno Unito non ha ancora eletto il nuovo premier a sostituzione di Mrs May: ma chiunque esso sia avrà forse più problemi dalla gestione della Brexit che non da quella del gender nel globo terraqueo.
Ad oggi almeno, sembrerebbe preannunciarsi un G7 inconcludente.
Sarebbe in tal caso un altro ridimensionamento alle ambizioni di Mr Macron.
«U.S. President Donald Trump did not confirm he would attend August’s summit of the G7 group of rich nations in southwestern France city of Biarritz when he met President Emmanuel Macron on Thursday, a French official said.
A G7 foreign ministers meeting held in Britanny earlier this year was overshadowed when U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo chose not to attend, underscoring how tough agreeing common ground between allies has become at the annual big power summit.
Along with the United States, France and Britain, the group includes Japan, Germany, Italy, Canada and the European Union.
Tensions between the United States and its European allies have meant that where they were once largely in accord, they now seek the lowest common denominator at international gatherings.»
«The Trump administration pushed the G-7 nations to water down a declaration on gender equality last week as part of its broad effort to stamp out references to sexual and reproductive health in international institutions, according to people involved in the process and drafts reviewed by Foreign Policy.
It is only the latest iteration of the administration’s hard-line stance against any language that might suggest approval of abortion in the official documents of international institutions that include the United States. The heavy-handed diplomatic strategy has put Washington at odds with European allies and drawn criticism from women’s advocacy groups for undercutting wider efforts to improve global gender equality.
The Group of 7, representing seven of the most advanced economies in the world, issued a communique on women’s equality this month that was pared down in some sections from initial drafts circulated in advance among diplomats and experts.
U.S. officials raised red lines on what should be axed from the communique, including a seemingly innocuous section praising the G-7’s Gender Equality Advisory Council, an independent group of experts and diplomats working on gender equality, and language on reproductive health.
The measures follow a pattern that has played out at the United Nations, where the Trump administration last month went as far as threatening to veto a U.N. measure to prevent sexual violence over language on sexual and reproductive health (though last-minute diplomatic wrangling averted the veto).
U.S. officials under President Donald Trump have argued that the phrase “sexual and reproductive health” refers specifically to abortion. Experts and advocacy groups disagree and point to the phrase being used consistently in international institutions and treaties for decades.
The G-7—which includes the United States, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, and Japan—has traditionally avoided contentious debates on gender-related health issues as part of the group’s broader discussions on political and economic priorities. Recent G-7 summits, normally carefully choreographed and diplomatic affairs, became anything but under Trump. At the 2018 G-7 summit in Canada, Trump refused to sign the joint statement and derided Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau as “Very dishonest & weak” in scathing tweets after the summit over disagreements on trade.»
«- Crises to keep Trump, Macron, May away from Davos
– Somber mood expected at Jan 22-25 elite gathering
– Trade row, recession fears and global tensions dominate agenda
An array of crises will keep several world leaders away from the annual World Economic Forum in Davos next week, which takes place against a backdrop of deepening gloom over the global economic and political outlook.
Anxiety over trade disputes, fractious international relations, Brexit and a growth slowdown that some fear could tip the world economy into recession are set to dominate the Jan. 22-25 Alpine meeting and the mood will be somber.»
«Environment ministers of the G7 nations met in France Sunday, a day ahead of the release of what is expected to be another alarming report on the state of the planet.
Ministers from Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and the United States gathered for the two-day meeting in the northeastern city of Metz.
They were due to discuss measures to tackle deforestation, plastic pollution and the degradation of coral reefs and try to form alliances between nations to act on them.
Joining the ministers were delegations from the European Union as well as Chile, Egypt, the Fiji Islands, Gabon, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Niger and Norway. ….
But Andrew Wheeler, the former coal lobbyist appointed by President Donald Trump to head of the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), told the meeting too much attention was being paid to the worst-case scenarios on climate change.»
Foreign and interior ministers from the Group of Seven countries are gathering in France this week to try to find ambitious solutions to world security challenges. Putting a dampener on that are two glaring American absences: U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen.
The fact that ranking U.S. officials are skipping the Thursday-Saturday meetings in Paris and the resort of Dinard raises questions about the G7’s relevance and effectiveness at solving the very international issues it has laid out as crucial, including fighting terrorism and human trafficking.
The interior ministers’ meetings started Thursday in Paris with a lunch focusing on migration issues, human trafficking and the fight against smugglers.
U.S. President Donald Trump has made no secret of his disdain for the G7, especially since Russia was pushed out of the gathering of major world economies after its annexation of Crimea in 2014. The U.S. absences signal that the Trump administration has downgraded the group — which also includes France, Canada, Japan, Germany, Italy and the U.K. — in its list of priorities.
Pompeo is in Washington this week, far from French shores, hosting NATO’s foreign ministers to mark the alliance’s 70th anniversary. Nielsen is staying behind to deal with border issues in the U.S.
Canadian Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland, meanwhile, announced she is attending both the NATO meeting and the G7 summit in Dinard.
In fact, alliances are fraying everywhere, even at NATO as Pompeo shines a spotlight on America’s involvement in the military alliance. NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg acknowledged internal NATO disagreements this week on trade, climate change and the Iran nuclear deal, but insisted the 29 allies are united in their commitment to defend each other.
France, which took over the G7’s presidency in January, is hosting a summit of interior ministers in Paris on Thursday and Friday, which overlaps with a summit of G7 foreign ministers on Friday and Saturday in Dinard.
U.S. Homeland Security official Claire Grady is standing in for Nielsen at the interior ministers’ meetings. Deputy Secretary of State John J. Sullivan will stand in for Pompeo, discussing “a broad range of issues, including the deteriorating situation in Venezuela, destabilizing Iranian behavior in the Middle East, the responsible conduct of states in cyber space, and the final denuclearization of North Korea,” the State Department said.
It said these conversations will “set the stage” for the August G7 summit France will host in the southwestern city of Biarritz.
Last June, Trump roiled the -7 meeting in Canada by first agreeing to a group statement on trade only to withdraw from it while complaining that he had been blindsided by Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s criticism of Trump’s tariff threats at a news conference. In an extraordinary set of tweets aboard Air Force One, Trump threw the G7 summit into disarray and threatened to escalate his trade war just as Canada released the G7’s official communique.
France’s Foreign Ministry listed the main issues under discussion this week as cybersecurity, the trafficking of drugs, arms and migrants in Africa’s troubled Sahel region, and fighting gender inequality. That includes ways to prevent rape and violence against women, especially in Africa.
The French presidency says the interior ministers’ meeting aims to set joint commitments on security and counterterrorism, including how to deal with citizens who have joined Islamic State militants in Syria and Iraq, or their wives and children.
Many IS fighters have been captured and imprisoned in those countries.
A top official at the French Interior Ministry stressed that the instability of the region, after U.S.-backed forces declared military victory over the Islamic State group in Syria last month, still poses a challenge. The problem has grown more urgent since Trump announced his intention to reduce the U.S. military presence in Syria.
“We need to coordinate our policies to prevent that risk. We must avoid a dispersion of foreign fighters, avoid that they gather together elsewhere,” the official said, speaking anonymously ahead of the meeting in accordance with French government practice.
The U.S. has called for countries to take back their citizens and put them on trial, if necessary, but Western countries have largely refused to take back their detained citizens. France says French fighters must be tried wherever they committed their crimes.
U.S.-backed Kurdish fighters, who are holding some of the IS fighters, have called for an international tribunal for IS detainees.
The G7 interior ministers will also discuss ways to fight terrorism and extremism on the internet, possibly by imposing regulations on internet giants like Facebook, Twitter and Google.
Interior ministers from Niger and Burkina Faso are joining Thursday’s lunch on migration to put a focus on Africa’s Sahel region, a source of migration to Europe as well as a transit region and destination for smuggling.
«Lo spread fra il Btp decennale e il Bund scende dopo le parole di Mario Draghi. Il presidente della Bce, ha detto che ulteriori tagli dei tassi restano fra le opzioni disponibili, che che il quantitative easing (QE) ha ancora spazio. Nel pomeriggio è sotto la soglia dei 240 punti, a 238,7, per la prima volta da metà marzo scorso.»
Al momento di scrivere il cambio Eur/Usd valeva 1.1188.
Di questi tempi non sarebbe male seguire anche i bookmaker di Londra e l’attività dei compro-oro: per loro le previsioni errate si concretizzano in perdite. E non sono gente che gradisca le perdite.
L’annuncio selezionato verte uno dei principali compro-oro europei.
Anche se il mercato è terreno quasi privato delle banche centrali, le richieste al dettaglio iniziano a farsi sentire, e sono un segno prognostico non dei migliori. Il picco di discesa sembrerebbe essere il risultato dell’intervento di una banca centrale. Magari di quella russa.
«Harvard hat der Kanzlerin die Ehrendoktorwürde verliehen und vor allem den Satz “Wir schaffen das” gewürdigt. In ihrer Rede beschwor sie den freien Welthandel.»
Il padrino regalava sempre un Rolex d’oro a quelli che aveva ordinato di uccidere.
«We have to take our destiny much more into our own hands in the future if we want to be strong»
A giudicare dai risultati elettorali ed economici Frau Merkel si sarà sicuramente presa in mano il suo destino, e con esso quello della Germania, ma sembrerebbe arduo vederne buoni risultati.
È antica costumanza diplomatica che quando un capo di stato vada in visita come tale in un altro stato sia ricevuto dal suo pari, e con tutti gli onori. Diverso è il caso di una visita privata, che però buon garbo suggerirebbe di notificare con un congruo lasso di tempo.
«Merkel visits Harvard Thursday but is skipping the White House»
«Merkel has faced a barrage of attacks since Trump took office — over German luxury cars, defense spending, Iran, Russian gas, and doing business with China’s Huawei Technologies Co. But it was the rupture after last June’s G-7 meeting that made up her mind: Trump is not a partner that Germany can rely on.»
«Almost 12 months on, the situation has only gotten worse. There’s a mix of anguish and frustration in Berlin and officials are asking themselves whether the relationship has already crossed the point of no return.»
«When the chancellor visits the U.S. Thursday, she’ll give a commencement speech at Harvard University, but she won’t bother visiting the White House as she has the past two years.»
«U.S. officials insist that Trump respects Merkel. But they also give a sense of the misunderstanding at the heart of their relationship.»
«U.S. officials insist that Trump respects Merkel. But they also give a sense of the misunderstanding at the heart of their relationship.»
* * * * * * *
Se il fatto non fosse una farsa, sarebbe da considerarlo una tragedia.
Il cuore del problema risiede nel fatto che le divergenze in essere tra due stati non dovrebbero mai debordare in un fatto personale tra i capi dei medesimi. Si possono avere esigenze e visioni divergenti, anche opposte, ma ciò non dovrebbe inficiare il rapporto umano. Tanto, alla fine, ci si deve pur sempre sedere attorno ad un tavolo e trattare: al massimo cambiano le persone. Tenere il broncio, farsi i dispettucci dovrebbe essere roba da donnicciole, da lavandaie ai trogoli, ed in questo Frau Merkel è un ottimo esempio.
A nostro personale ed ovviamente opinabile punto di vista, le rigidità in diplomazia gettano solo sabbia negli ingranaggi, rendendo sempre più difficile la possibilità di arrivare ad un accordo gradito ad ambo le parti.
A novembre l’attuale dirigenza dell’Unione Europea scadrà, lasciando il posto ad altre figure politiche.
Queste avranno sicuramente le proprie idee politiche ed economiche, ma sarebbe auspicabile che avessero un briciolino in più di arte diplomatica o, quanto meno, di buona educazione.
Consoliamoci con il fatto che Frau Merkel non è eterna, anche se lei se lo crede.
– Merkel visits Harvard Thursday but is skipping the White House
– Trump has hammered Merkel on trade, China, Nord Stream, cars
For Angela Merkel, the wakeup call came in the middle of the night.
The German chancellor was asleep in her government plane somewhere over the Atlantic in June last year when Donald Trump scuttled the fragile settlement she’d built with other Group of Seven leaders in Canada, according to a person familiar with the events.
Before turning in for the night, she’d been in a buoyant mood due to the concessions she secured from the U.S. president for a common statement on trade. When he went back on his word, she was stunned.
Merkel has faced a barrage of attacks since Trump took office — over German luxury cars, defense spending, Iran, Russian gas, and doing business with China’s Huawei Technologies Co. But it was the rupture after last June’s G-7 meeting that made up her mind: Trump is not a partner that Germany can rely on.
Almost 12 months on, the situation has only gotten worse. There’s a mix of anguish and frustration in Berlin and officials are asking themselves whether the relationship has already crossed the point of no return.
Even if Trump loses in 2020, they say the trust that underpinned the transatlantic friendship for seven decades may be gone for good. Germany has already started building new alliances that will safeguard its interests in a world where the U.S. won’t. And some of them are not to Washington’s liking.
“We have to take our destiny much more into our own hands in the future if we want to be strong,” Merkel told a political rally on Friday in Munich.
When the chancellor visits the U.S. Thursday, she’ll give a commencement speech at Harvard University, but she won’t bother visiting the White House as she has the past two years.
U.S. officials insist that Trump respects Merkel. But they also give a sense of the misunderstanding at the heart of their relationship.
Trump’s main beef with Merkel is Germany’s trade surplus, one senior administration official said. But the U.S. administration has little patience with the fact that Germany, like all other European Union members, has handed control of trade negotiations to Brussels. Trump argues that Germany should be able to use its leverage as Europe’s largest economy to sway the talks.
In private meetings, the president has implored Merkel to engage personally in trade talks, the official said. But the chancellor insists he has to speak to the European Commission.
The official insists there is no animosity, but nor is there any rapport.
“The president has his opinions, and I have mine,” Merkel said in an interview with CNN aired Tuesday. “Very often we also find common ground. If not, then we have to keep on talking and negotiating.”
It’s a far cry from Barack Obama, or even George W. Bush. She embraced Obama when he visited the chancellery in April and in 2007 she was delighted to visit Bush’s Texas ranch.
White House Tour
It’s not that Trump and Merkel haven’t tried.
On her second visit to the Trump White House in April 2018, the president gave Merkel a tour of the residence, including the Lincoln Bedroom, as he sought to impress her.
But Trump acts as if his charm offensives can work even when he’s attacking Germany on policy issues. For Merkel, it all adds up and the result is a president she can’t trust.
Weeks after that White House visit, he claimed, — falsely — that crime in Germany was “way up” because of Merkel’s immigration policy. A month later he labeled her a “captive of Russia” for planning a new gas link. In December, U.S. officials threatened to shut Germany out of shared intelligence networks if Huawei was allowed to supply equipment for the country’s fifth-generation data networks.
All this is part of a broader assault on the multilateral world order that has kept Germany safe and made it rich. As Trump steps up his attacks, Merkel’s warnings about the dangers that poses are growing darker.
After that last White House visit, the chancellor began to ruminate on the Thirty Years War which devastated Europe in the 17th century. Then, as now, Europe had enjoyed some 70 years of stability. And then, as now, leaders began to disregard the constraints that underpinned that peace.
“In one fell swoop, the whole order went in the trash,” Merkel said at a religious conference a few days after returning from Washington.
That’s increasingly how decision-makers in Germany view the transatlantic relationship. Even as they muddle through in areas where cooperation is possible, the toughest issues are getting tougher.
Trump’s policy of “maximum pressure” on Iran has left German officials struggling to hold together the accord that restricted the regime’s ability to produce weapons-grade uranium after the U.S. pulled out. German officials are bewildered at what they see as a lack of strategic direction.
With German businesses angry at being forced to bow to threats from the White House, one senior official said Iran could be the issue that triggers a broader rupture between the U.S. and Germany.
New Ties to Russia
As Trump turns the screws, he’s forcing Germany into the arms of rival powers like China and Russia, a move that serves in turn to deepen the frustration in Washington.
Perhaps the most significant example is the Nord Stream 2 pipeline which will pump 55 billion cubic meters of natural gas a year under the Baltic Sea from Russia to Germany.
Officials in Merkel’s chancellery were taken aback in February at coordinated American diplomatic maneuvers to scuttle the project and now the U.S. is threatening sanctions against companies involved.
“We always have had powers that were trying to change the rules of the game,” Niels Annen, Germany’s deputy foreign minister, told a conference in Berlin this month. “What is new is the country that was really at the beginning, that was at the creation of that set of rules, is now trying to question this.”
At the center of the Trump diplomacy in Berlin is Ambassador Richard Grenell, a Trump loyalist and one-time Fox News contributor with a penchant for lighting political brush fires and a direct line to the president. Grenell’s sharp elbows might be a deliberate tactic for Trump, but at least in the short term, they damage his cause.
Trump has potential allies in Berlin who agree that Germany should raise defense spending and take a harder line on Russia. But Grenell’s scorched-earth approach is alienating the German public and making it difficult for them to offer him support, according to several officials.
“The way in which at least the American administration makes policy in general at the moment, with a lot of sanctions, with the fact that international agreements are scrapped, is not a good way to cooperate,” Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, who replaced Merkel as leader of the governing Christian Democrats last year, told Bloomberg Television in Davos, Switzerland, in January.
And so Merkel is edging toward a world in which Germany no longer relies on the U.S. In November last year she raised the prospect of a European army. Merkel called Trump’s bluff over Huawei, refusing to ban the company from German networks. And the Russian gas pipeline is going ahead.
But it’s not a world that Merkel has sought and it’s not one that she welcomes.
When she realized it would fall to her to build it on that flight back from Quebec she was shocked. She avoided the reporters on her plane until they landed again in Berlin. Then she got straight into her car, and drove off.
Cerchiamo di riassumere, anche se al momento attuale non è ancora dato di conoscere l’esatta composizione dei gruppi parlamentari: non si sa, per esempio. quale collocazione vorrà dare Mr Orban a tutti i suoi europarlamentari.
Ricordiamo come sia il Consiglio Europeo a dover proporre il presidente della Commissione ed i relativi commissari: gli europarlamentari avranno il compito di esaminare le proposte e, nel caso, di approvarle.
Sicuramente si formeranno degli schieramenti, ma si tenga sempre presente che gli stati hanno il diritto di veto: opzione da usarsi con la massima prudenza, ma pur sempre possibile.
* * *
– Il partito popolare europeo scende dai 221 agli attuali 180 seggi: perde 41 seggi, -18.55%
– Il partito socialista europeo scende dai 191 seggi del 2014 agli attuali 145, perde 46 seggi, -24.08%.
– La sinistra – GUE/Ngl – scende dai 52 agli attuali 38 seggi: perde 14 seggi, -26.92%.
– Il blocco liberal senza l’Aldeppe e pse scende da 412 deputati agli attuali 325. prde quindi 87 seggi, -21.12%.
– In Francia il Rem, il partito del presidente Macron, ha conseguito il 22.41% dei voti, cui conseguono 21 seggi, mentre Rn, il partito della Mrs Le Pen, si è piazzato al 23.31%, conquistandosi 23 seggi.
– In Germania la Cdu è scesa dal 35% al 28.9%, e la Spd è crollata dal 27% al 15.8%.
– Gli europarlamentare inglesi di Mr Farage sembrerebbero poi essere non troppo propensi all’Unione Europea.
Punto della situazione.
– La passata coalizione ppe e pse ha perso i numeri per formare una maggioranza. Rimedierà cooptando l’Alde, ma la perdita di 87 seggi (-21.12%) è una sonora sconfitta, checché se ne voglia dire.
– Mr Macron in Francia e Frau Merkel in Germania, almeno fino a tanto che questa resterà cancelliere, sono anatre zoppe: deboli e screditati, quindi con voci che si odono flebilmente a Bruxelles.
– Se nessuna componente sia in grado di imporre il proprio candidato, pur tuttavia conserva forza sufficiente per porre il veto alle scelte altrui. Non ci si stupisca quindi se alla fine la Presidenza della Commissione sia offerta ad un outsider, per esempio Mrs Lagarde.
Vi sono poi i convitati di pietra.
In autunno dovrà essere rinnovato il Governatore Draghi, e con lui il suo entourage: non sarà battaglia da poco.
Poi, quasi invisibile sullo sfondo, c’è appollaiato Mr Trump. Sarebbe impensabile, data la situazione, che non si sentisse il suo parere. E come non sentire l’illuminato parere di Mr @@@@, capo cupola felicemente regnante? Non farlo sarebbe uno sgarro.
Ci si tolga dalla testa che sia una battaglia di ideali per il benessere ed il progresso del popolo, per un mondo ecologicamente pulito e che viva in pace.
Sono in ballo migliaia di miliardi: tutti vorrebbero la loro parte e lasciare gli altri a bocca asciutta sempre che non li ammazzino.
The German chancellor’s backing for the German MEP Manfred Weber, who leads the European People’s party of which her CDU party is a member, is facing tough resistance from the French president Emmanuel Macron in the post-election jockeying for top jobs.
The EU heads of state and government, including Theresa May, are due to meet on Tuesday night to kickstart their discussions over the leadership of the bloc’s institutions after a set of election results that weakened the grip of the traditional centrist parties on the levers of power in Brussels.
The European People’s party (EPP) remains the largest in the parliament, but during a disappointing night its haul of seats plummeted from 221 in 2014 to 180, prompting Weber to concede that the “centre is shrinking”.
The Socialists and Democrats group’s 191 seats five years ago fell to 145 despite surprisingly strong results in Spain and the Netherlands, where they topped the polls. ….»
«The proposals by France and Germany are on the table: Macron has made far-reaching proposals for the reform of the eurozone. The German government has made commitments in the coalition agreement, which also calls for a “departure for Europe.” Now it is about finding a reasonable and workable middle ground. This means, that a limited further development of the euro rescue fund ESM towards a European Monetary Fund is the key reform to come in the area of the economic and monetary union.
I think it is right that Berlin clearly defines the national interests – especially, the Christian Democrat faction. But it is also clear that in this phase we have to find consensus with France. When it comes to the planned European Monetary Fund: When a decision on new aid programs has to be taken, the veto of the German Bundestag must be preserved.»
«France and Germany on Monday clashed over the future leadership of the EU after European elections produced a fragmented parliament and triggered a race to secure the top jobs in the world’s largest trading bloc. Nationalist, liberal and green parties across the EU have gained seats at the expense of centrist parties, such as German chancellor Angela Merkel’s CDU party, which have dominated the parliament over the past four decades. President Emmanuel Macron’s liberal party on Monday called for “a European Commission president candidate who can build a robust majority way beyond the partisan lines” — suggesting it wanted an alternative to Manfred Weber, the Germany-backed candidate for the commission.»
«U.S. President Donald Trump warmly welcomed Viktor Orban to the White House on Monday, saying the far-right Hungarian leader was “respected all over Europe.”»
«The pair sat down for talks about NATO and trade, less than two weeks before European parliamentary elections in which far-right parties are expected to make a strong showing»
«Orban’s hardline stance against migrants has attracted criticism from other European leaders, but appeared to find a more sympathetic audience in Trump»
«You have been great with respect to Christian communities, …. You have really put a block up and we appreciate that very much»
«People have a lot of respect for this prime minister, he’s a respected man. He’s done the right thing, according to many people, on immigration.»
«Don’t forget they’re a member of NATO, a very good member of NATO»
«The two leaders were due to discuss Hungary’s plan to buy medium-range missiles from the U.S.»
* * * * * * *
Secondo le ultime prospezioni elettorali il partito popolare europeo e quello socialista assieme dovrebbero perdere circa un centinaio di eurodeputati. Se così sarà, avrebbero perso la maggioranza, subendo una severa batosta.
Stranamente, sembrerebbe che a ben pochi possa interessare il cercare di capire come abbiano fatto ad inimicarsi e disaffezionare una così larga quota di Elettori.
Il comportamento tenuto nei confronti dell’Ungheria di Mr Orban spiegherebbe molto della mentalità che ha portato a questo risultato.
Stretta osservanza ideologica, rigidità comportamentale ed una tediosamente fastidiosa supponenza sono stati elementi cardini che hanno portato alla disfatta: quanti non la pensassero come loro sarebbero bollati di comportamento eretico e bollati con l’ostracismo.
Ma senza Realpolitik ci si condanna alla estinzione: una eutanasia ben poco ‘eu‘ e molto ‘kakà‘. Una morte tormentosa e tormentata.
Un’altra caratteristica dei liberal socialisti è un esasperato solipsismo, che impedisce loro sia di guardare il futuro sia la realtà.
Fossero diversi, non andrebbero incontro alla disfatta elettorale.
Quindi, ci si curi ben poco di quanto affermano al momento gli eurodirigenti uscenti di carica e gli eurodeputati, ben pochi dei quali potranno ritornare nel parlamento europeo o sulle poltrone della Commissione: il parere degli sconfitti non conta poi più di tanto.
Un tema da sempre glissato dagli eurocrati è la divisione del mondo tra le superpotenze atomiche: ed ora alla America ed alla Russia si è unita anche la Cina.
Si voglia o meno, la Nato ha costituito elemento calmierante la pace mondiale, che si manterrà sotto la condizione che i diversi gruppi atomici restino in equilibrio.
Sotto questo punto di vista, di non poca importanza, se è vero che al momento l’Ungheria fa parte dell’Unione Europea, sarebbe altrettanto doveroso ricordarsi che essa è incardinata nella Nato, di cui funge da postazione avanzata, unitamente ad altri paesi dell’ex est europeo.
Mr Orban gradirebbe anche ospitare sistemi missilistici a medio raggio americani, magari anche comprandoli.
L’Unione Europea non dispone di forze armate degne di quel nome, non ha forze atomiche e neppure dispone di missili anti-missile. L’armamento atomico inglese è ben poca cosa, e quello francese ancor meno, sempre poi che riescano a farlo funzionare.
Che poi gli Stati Uniti brucino dalla voglia di difendere questa Europa sarebbe cosa tutta da dimostrare.
Ma senza forze armate efficienti è impossibile esercitare una sia pur minima politica estera.
Vedremo come i nuovi eletti, Commissione Compresa, affronteranno codesta situazione, ma intanto gli anni sprecati non saranno recuperati facilmente.
U.S. President Donald Trump warmly welcomed Viktor Orban to the White House on Monday, saying the far-right Hungarian leader was “respected all over Europe.”
The pair sat down for talks about NATO and trade, less than two weeks before European parliamentary elections in which far-right parties are expected to make a strong showing.
Orban’s hardline stance against migrants has attracted criticism from other European leaders, but appeared to find a more sympathetic audience in Trump.
“You’re respected all over Europe. Probably like me a little bit controversial, but that’s okay,” Trump told Orban at a brief news conference. “You’ve done a good job and you’ve kept your country safe.”
In 2015, Orban erected a razor-wire fence the length of Hungary’s southern border to prevent migrants, most of whom travelled from Muslim countries, entering from Serbia.
“You have been great with respect to Christian communities,” Trump told Orban. “You have really put a block up and we appreciate that very much.”
Hungary missile plan
Asked if he shared European concerns about Hungary backsliding on democracy, Trump said: “People have a lot of respect for this prime minister, he’s a respected man. He’s done the right thing, according to many people, on immigration.”
Orban said: “From the people, by the people, for the people, this is the basis for the Hungarian government. We are happy to serve our nation. We have a new constitution accepted in 2011 and its functioning well.”
Trump interjected: “Don’t forget they’re a member of NATO, a very good member of NATO.”
The two leaders were due to discuss Hungary’s plan to buy medium-range missiles from the U.S.
Una consolidata regola diplomatica impone di mandare un telegramma di augurio ad un nuovo eletto entro il giorno stesso della elezione. Nel caso di Mr Trump, Francia e Germania provvidero ben oltre dopo una settimana. Questo fu uno sgarro del quale ben difficilmente ci si potrebbe dimenticare.
Francia e Germania avevano fatto attive campagne elettorali a favore di Mrs Hillay Clinton. Nulla da eccepire, tranne il fatto che una potenza straniera mai dovrebbe ingerirsi negli affari interni di un’altra potenza.
Mr Macron e Frau Merkel furono tra gli ultimi ad essere ricevuti alla White House, e non per invito, ma a loro richiesta. Mr Trump concesse a Mr Macron un’accoglienza trionfale durata svariati giorni, mentre Frau Merkel fu ricevuta prima da un addetto di quarta categoria, e poi poté vedere per 17 minuti il presidente Trump.
Questo linguaggio diplomatico è molto chiaro.
Ci si domanda quindi come si sia potuto deteriorare un rapporto Trump – Macron che, apparentemente, era iniziato abbastanza bene.
* * * * * * *
«After 18 months of frustrating efforts to sustain a partnership with America’s president, the “special relationship” is over.»
«On a damp Tuesday evening in December, most of France was focused on the Yellow-Vest crisis that had seen demonstrators smashing up Paris. But holed up in his Elysee palace, President Emmanuel Macron and his team were dealing with a greater threat to the status quo not just in France, but across the western world.»
«Donald Trump was about to announce the pullout of U.S. troops from Syria …. Such a decision would be a body-blow to U.S. allies in the European Union»
«EU leaders can no longer rely on the U.S. to help underpin European security»
«On the call that night in December, the 41-year-old president reminded Trump of his pledge to stand alongside his allies in the fight against terrorism and urged him to consider his responsibilities to Europe. Less than 24 hours later, Trump announced the withdrawal in a tweet.»
«“Both of us are probably mavericks,” Macron said in April during a state visit to Washington. “We have a very special relationship.”»
«Call logs from both presidents’ offices, which can sometimes be incomplete, indicate the two men held at least 19 phone calls last year. Trump spoke to Merkel just three times»
«By the time Trump returned to France to commemorate the centenary of the end of World War I, any pretense at a rapport was gone.»
«Macron lectured Trump in front of dozens of world leaders, saying nations that put their own interests first had lost their moral compass. Trump responded by mocking France for its military defeats to Germany.»
«Behind the scenes, French aides insisted Macron’s attacks on nationalism were not directed at Trump. But they also signaled that the French leader was deliberately taking a more assertive posture in diplomatic relations»
«Trump though has frequently shown tepid support for the alliance, complaining that U.S. allies don’t spend enough on defense and raising questions about Article V. An actual U.S. withdrawal would mean a tectonic shift in the global order and hand Putin the biggest victory of his career.»
«allies should consider buying American missiles.»
«The two men aren’t due to meet again until the G-20 summit in Japan in June. Then Macron himself will host the G-7 leaders in France in August.»
«Macron’s team …. are leaning toward not even attempting a joint statement at the end of the meeting»
* * * * * * * *
Per cercare di comprendere la dinamica del sistema, sarebbe necessario razionalizzare alcuni concetti che, essendo semplici, suscitano una quasi naturale repulsa: tutto qua?
«Da oggi ci liberiamo dal socialismo e dal politicamente corretto»
Questa frase detta da Mr Jair Bolsonaro, Presidente del Brasile di fresca elezione, sintetizza ciò che Mr Trump vuole e sta facendo negli Stati Uniti e nel mondo.
È un outsider, Macron lo ha definito un ‘maverick’: nei fatti non è espressione propria dei repubblicani, molti dei quali abituati da lunga pezza a trovare in loggia accordi con i democratici, per poi spartirsi i ruoli sul palcoscenico, recitando però lo stesso copione.
Obiettivo primario, strategico, di Mr Trump è l’annientamento dei liberal democratici negli Stati Uniti e dei loro alleati all’interno dell’Occidente. Lo scacchiere estero è giocato tutto in funzione del conseguimento dell’obiettivo primario.
Compreso questo banale concetto, Mr Trump si rivela essere facilmente capibile e prevedibile.
In patria sta sistematicamente tagliando tutte le fonti di finanziamento dei liberal, nonché delle enclavi di posti politicamente donati tramite sussidi statali. Sta bonificando il parastato americano, giustizia compresa. Li sta semplicemente strozzando economicamente. Un caso eclamptico, il suo comportamento nei confronti del ‘clima’ e dell’Epa.
All’estero, la Francia di Mr Macron e la Germania di Frau Merkel sono le realtà da ridimensionare.
Del tutto sequenziale la attuale posizione americana nei confronti di Polonia, Ungheria ed Italia.
Del tutto logico il suo appoggio ai Gilets Jaunes che hanno imbottigliato Mr Macron in un vicolo cieco, così come il suo comportamento nei confronti della residua industria tedesca: senza produzione industriale la Germania è kaptt, così come sarebbe finita senza l’approvvigionamento del gas russo.
Mr Trump sa che il tempo lavora per lui: ancora una decina di anni e la Germania inizierà a spopolarsi della sua popolazione autoctona, e saranno forti dolori. Tollera ancora Frau Merkel solo perché è l’unica persona al momento in grado di distruggere la Germania.
Infine, Mr Trump sa benissimo come gli europei siano impantanati in un welfare non più a lungo sostenibile, Ma sa anche benissimo come senza forze armate sia impossibile concepire ed attuare una politica estera.
Se Mr Macron si fosse dichiarato suddito leale lo avrebbe anche sopportato: ma dal momento che si è dimostrato superbo lo annienta.
Mr Macron si era semplicemente illuso di poter trattare Mr Trump in via paritetica.
After 18 months of frustrating efforts to sustain a partnership with America’s president, the “special relationship” is over.
On a damp Tuesday evening in December, most of France was focused on the Yellow-Vest crisis that had seen demonstrators smashing up Paris.
But holed up in his Elysee palace, President Emmanuel Macron and his team were dealing with a greater threat to the status quo not just in France, but across the western world. A White House contact had warned Macron that Donald Trump was about to announce the pullout of U.S. troops from Syria.
Such a decision would be a body-blow to U.S. allies in the European Union. It risked releasing hundreds of Islamic State veterans and giving Russia’s Vladimir Putin influence over the flow of refugees which has fueled a populist backlash in the EU. For Macron, it heightened his concerns that the U.S. might back away from another, more sacred commitment: the NATO defense alliance.
As Macron prepared for a call with the White House that evening, his view on Syria was informed by a broader realization after 18 months of frustrating efforts to woo Trump: EU leaders can no longer rely on the U.S. to help underpin European security.
This account of how Macron was forced to rethink his entire relationship with Trump is based on conversations over several months with three people who have detailed knowledge of the president’s thinking.
On the call that night in December, the 41-year-old president reminded Trump of his pledge to stand alongside his allies in the fight against terrorism and urged him to consider his responsibilities to Europe. Less than 24 hours later, Trump announced the withdrawal in a tweet.
The decision came as a shock even in Washington, and triggered the resignation of Defense Secretary Jim Mattis. For Macron and his inner circle, it was a watershed moment.
Though in public, Macron still maintains that the historical alliance between France and the U.S. runs too deep to be jeopardized by disagreements between two presidents, something in him snapped.
The previous month Trump had offered Macron assurances both on Syria and on NATO during a visit to Paris. A few weeks later, the Syria commitment was history. From now on, the French leader will assume that Trump is liable to ditch any commitment he might have made if he decides it serves his interests.
The French leader had invested significant amounts of time and political capital in trying to establish a relationship with Trump since coming to power in Paris in May 2017.
Early last year, people close to him were keen to play up the symmetry between the two presidents. They argued that both were political outsiders who’d shaken up the establishment with their election victories, and their straight-talking style made them a good match personally.
They shared macho handshake games and private talks, watched military parades and had dinner at the Eiffel Tower with a special, meat-heavy menu, to appeal to the U.S. leader’s taste.
“Both of us are probably mavericks,” Macron said in April during a state visit to Washington. “We have a very special relationship.”
That effort succeeded in making Macron the guy you call when you want to speak to Europe.
Call logs from both presidents’ offices, which can sometimes be incomplete, indicate the two men held at least 19 phone calls last year. Trump spoke to Merkel just three times and dished out public humiliations to Britain’s Theresa May—in July he trashed her Brexit plans—making it clear where she stood in the White House spheres of influence.
But Trump’s America First policy was always likely to become a problem and that became clear as Europe was drawn into the U.S. trade offensive. Macron’s lobbying effort during his April trip to the White House failed to avert tariffs on European steel and aluminum. Just as he failed to keep the U.S. in the Iran nuclear deal or the Paris Climate Accord.
The phone records suggest that the relationship started to cool after that visit, with their recorded conversations becoming less frequent. Before that they spoke as many as six times a month. Since then the contact has dwindled.
By the time Trump returned to France to commemorate the centenary of the end of World War I, any pretense at a rapport was gone.
Macron lectured Trump in front of dozens of world leaders, saying nations that put their own interests first had lost their moral compass. Trump responded by mocking France for its military defeats to Germany.
Behind the scenes, French aides insisted Macron’s attacks on nationalism were not directed at Trump. But they also signaled that the French leader was deliberately taking a more assertive posture in diplomatic relations.
Talking to people close to the president around the turn of the year, their confidence in his ability to do business with Trump has evaporated. One described the Elysee’s attitude to Trump as “clear-eyed.” Asked about reports in January that Trump had considered pulling out of NATO officially, the person said nothing the U.S. could do now would surprise the French leader.
Macron’s approach to Trump at this point is more about managing the U.S. president’s impulsiveness rather than genuine engagement. His advisers plot their response to different scenarios, they seek intel on his state of mind and his personal agenda, and try to work out how that might affect the post-war alliance with Europe.
But the Syria withdrawal still stung.
“An ally must be reliable, and coordinate with other allies,” Macron said from a military base in Mali, where French troops are involved in anti-terrorism operations. Macron said he “very deeply regretted” Trump’s decision.
After the December announcement, Macron kept up the pressure on Trump for a time with several subsequent calls, trying to persuade the U.S. leader to change his mind, or at least allow an orderly withdrawal.
He urged Trump to stay on the battle field. He told him the U.S. army was the backbone of the coalition forces and warned of the message it would send to Iran and Syria’s Bashar al Assad if he left with the job half done. It made little difference.
The final U.S. pullout may still be some weeks away as U.S.-backed Syrian forces launch an offensive against Islamic State in the east of the country. Macron hasn’t spoken to Trump for over a month.
Macron’s discussions about French security strategy are now framed by question marks over all joint French-U.S. operations. The two countries are currently fighting together against Islamists in Africa and the Middle East and combating piracy in the Indian Ocean. France is also supporting U.S. efforts to contain China’s expansionary instincts in the South China Sea.
America’s commitment to NATO, though, is the elephant in the room. Under Article V of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s founding text of 1949, all are obliged to come to the defense of any members that come under attack.
That was the foundation of the western bulwark against the Soviet bloc during the Cold War and has served to deter Russian efforts to extend its influence in eastern Europe since then.
Trump though has frequently shown tepid support for the alliance, complaining that U.S. allies don’t spend enough on defense and raising questions about Article V.
An actual U.S. withdrawal would mean a tectonic shift in the global order and hand Putin the biggest victory of his career.
More recently, however, Trump has switched from criticism to claiming credit for getting European allies to bolster their defense spending. At the armistice commemoration in Paris in November, the U.S. leader told Macron he was committed to NATO. On Jan. 17 Trump said he was backing NATO “100 percent” and then added a rider: allies should consider buying American missiles.
But doubts remain. Secretary of State Michael Pompeo put international organizations on notice that they shouldn’t take U.S. support for granted during a December speech in Brussels, where NATO has its headquarters. Organizations such as the EU and the United Nations, Pompeo said, “must be reformed or eliminated.”
For Macron, the doubts are enough to shift his outlook: a security guarantee you can’t depend on is no longer a guarantee.
“Trump’s attitude and statements affect the credibility of NATO as a deterrent and a defense instrument,” said Bruno Tertrais, deputy director of the Foundation for Strategic Research in Paris. “The question is whether this is a transitory crisis for the European-U.S. post-war alliance, or something deeper.”
The two men aren’t due to meet again until the G-20 summit in Japan in June. Then Macron himself will host the G-7 leaders in France in August.
Welcoming the G-7 to the Atlantic resort of Biarritz will give the French some control of the choreography. Macron’s team has observed the drama Trump caused at recent international gatherings in Canada and Argentina and they are leaning toward not even attempting a joint statement at the end of the meeting.
Such a departure from protocol offers a bleak view of the state of relations between the U.S. and its allies. But it’s one less opportunity for Trump to cause trouble.
«That is one of the more ambitious (and possibly outlandish) ideas knocking around the World Economic Forum at Davos, Switzerland, this morning. The Davos meeting is the annual conclave of the world’s ruling class: presidents and prime ministers, CEOs, and religious figures (and the thousands of journalists who follow them, hoping for a soundbite or two).
The $90 trillion cities proposal came from former vice president Al Gore and former president of Mexico Felipe Calderon, and their colleagues on the The Global Commission on the Economy and Climate. That group hopes to persuade the world’s leaders to do something about humanity’s suicidal effort to heat the Earth’s climate. ….»
«We are significantly under-estimating the benefits of cleaner, climate-smart growth. Bold climate action could deliver at least US$26 trillion in economic benefits through to 2030, compared with business-as-usual. There are real benefits to be seen in terms of new jobs, economic savings, competitiveness and market opportunities, and improved well-being for people worldwide.»
* * * * * * *
Si parlava con nonchalance non di milioni, e nemmeno di miliardi, bensì di trilioni di dollari americani. Un trilione equivale a mille miliardi.
«The Global Commission on the Economy and Climate, and its flagship project The New Climate Economy, were set up to help governments, businesses and society make better-informed decisions on how to achieve economic prosperity and development while also addressing climate change.
The New Climate Economy was commissioned in 2013 by the governments of seven countries: Colombia, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Norway, South Korea, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The Commission has operated as an independent body and has been given full freedom to reach its own conclusions. Lead by its global commission, it has disseminated its messages by engaging with heads of governments, finance ministers, business leaders and other key economic decision-makers in over 30 countries around the world.»
* * * * * * *
Mr Al Gore avrebbe voluto spendere 90 trilioni, poi scesi 26 trilioni. Tutti denari che avrebbero dovuto essere prelevati dalla tasche dei Cittadini Contribuenti, per transitare in quelle dei liberal, democratici negli Stati Uniti e socialisti in Europa.
Ben si comprendo gli urli di dolore che si stanno levando di questi tempi!
«Una globalizzazione 4.0 che funzioni e sia inclusiva e sostenibile. Una governance internazionale efficace. Il rilancio dell’agenda climatica. Sono questi i temi principali del Wef 2019. A spiegarli è lo stesso Klaus Schwab: “Nella società attuale, una ulteriore integrazione mondiale è inevitabile e i modelli esistenti di governance globale hanno difficoltà a promuovere azioni concrete fra le potenze mondiali”. “Questa quarta ondata della globalizzazione deve essere centrata sull’uomo”, aggiunge Schwab che ha anche invitato i leader presenti al summit a trovare “l’immaginazione e l’impegno necessari”, per affrontare “un periodo di profonda instabilità globale portata dall’impatto della quarta rivoluzione industriale, dal riallineamento delle dinamiche geo-economiche e delle forze geopolitiche”. ….»
Tra i grandi della Terra assenti Trump, Macron, Xi
Ma mica che sia finita qui. Persino l’inclito Mr Macron non attenderà i lavori di Davos: lui che si era proclamato l’erede universale del ‘clima’, che avrebbe portato avanti la sua battaglia per la vittoria finale del ‘clima’.
«Abbiamo bisogno di un’Unione europea sempre più integrata”, dall’unione bancaria alla difesa comune. Ha aggiunto la Merkel tornando a esprimere rammarico per il voto britannico a favore della Brexit, ma allo stesso tempo notando come il progetto europeo sia “chiaramente incoraggiato dall’elezione del presidente francese Emmanuel Macron, che ha dato all’Unione nuovo impeto che ci rafforzerà.
“Abbiamo bisogno di un’ Unione europea sempre più integrata”, dall’unione bancaria alla difesa comune. Ha aggiunto la Merkel tornando a esprimere rammarico per il voto britannico a favore della Brexit, ma allo stesso tempo notando come il progetto europeo sia “chiaramente incoraggiato dall’elezione del presidente francese Emmanuel Macron, che ha dato all’Unione nuovo impeto che ci rafforzerà” ….
La Francia sarà “un modello nella lotta contro il cambiamento climatico”. Emmanuel Macron ha imbracciato la bandiera ambientalista di fronte alla platea del Forum di Davos. “Stiamo perdendo la battaglia. Nel 2020, se non saremo in grado di presentare dei risultati, cosa diremo alla gente?
Fortunatamente non avete invitato nessuno scettico rispetto al riscaldamento globale quest’anno
La Francia e tornata al centro dell’Europa”, dice poi Macron, “non vi sarà un successo francese senza un successo europeo»
* * * * * * *
Su queste basi, oramai Davos è diventata quasi innocua.
«Claas Relotius committed his deception intentionally, methodically and with criminal intent. For example, he included individuals in his stories who he had never met or spoken to, telling their stories or quoting them. Instead, he would reveal, he based the depictions on other media or video recordings»
* * * * * * *
Se il caso Relotius fosse accaduto in una testata ragionevolmente obiettiva, per esempio la Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, alla unanime condanna dell’operato di Herr Claas Relotius si sarebbe associato un commento di solidarietà per la redazione, colpevole al massimo di non aver sorvegliato a sufficienza quel reporter.
Invece lo scandalo è sorto in seno alla Spiegel, una delle testate più visceralmente liberal di questo mondo:
L’ambiente culturale e politico dello Spiegel è il prototipo dell’incubatore di fake news: la redazione non poteva non sapere, sempre che essa non ne fosse anche la mandante.
Tutti gli articoli dello Spiegel trasudano e grondano ideologia liberal e demonizzazione ad ogni costo dell’avversario politico vissuto come nemico mortale da uccidere con ogni possibile mezzo.
«Shots fired at foreigners, assaults on minorities, neo-fascist marches: Italy’s extreme right wing feels emboldened by the country’s new leadership. Many are pointing fingers at Interior Minister Matteo Salvini»
Stranieri presi a pistolettate in Italia?? E quando mai??
Dito puntato su Mr Salvini?? Ma se sta volando nelle propensioni al voto!!
«Global sea levels are rising steadily as a result of climate change and the IPCC believes the deluge has already begun. What will it mean for humankind? And what changes will this bring to our coasts and our way of life?»
Ma i redattori dello Spiegel non si ricordano quando in terza liceo avevano studiato i teoremi di incompletezza di Kurt Gödel, per cui nessun sistema di assiomi coerente può essere completo?
Il peccato mortale dello Spiegel, come peraltro quello degli ideologi liberal e socialisti, consiste nel credere come credo religioso che esista la verità scientifica e che questa sia assoluta. Come corollario, loro ne sarebbero i depositari: saccenti depositari. Questa assunzione è falsa.
* * * * * * *
«US Ambassador to Germany Richard Grenell on Friday demanded an independent investigation into a German journalist who was caught making up key details in a series of reports for Der Spiegel news magazine»
«He said the revelations “are troubling to the US Embassy, particularly because several of these fake stories focused on US policies and certain segments of the American people.”»
«He said he wrote to the editors of the respected news weekly calling for an “independent and transparent investigation.”»
«He said it was clear the US had been the victim of institutional bias at the magazine, saying the outlet encouraged anti-American reporting, particularly since Donald Trump was elected president»
In almeno una cosa però lo Spiegel non mente: un malignasso avrebbe potuto dire, per caso.
«We apologize to all American citizens who have been insulted and denigrated by these reports. We are very sorry. That should never have happened,” Der Spiegel‘s Dirk Kurbjuweit wrote.
“However, I would like to contradict you on one point. If we criticize the American president, it is not anti-Americanism, but criticism of the policy of the man in the White House»
* * * * * * * *
Una indagine svolta da parte terza sarebbe il meglio possibile per dirimere la situazione.
Notiamo tuttavia il persistere della mezogna.
«criticism of the policy of the man in the White House»
Una cosa è esprimere perplessità e/o discordanza politica: questa è cosa corretta, lecita e benvenuta.
Una cosa invece totalmente differente è il clima di odio verso la persona di Mr Trump che trasuda da tutti gli articoli dello Spiegel.
Se lo Spiegel volesse essere rispettato per le idee che sostiene, altrettanto dovrebbe fare con quelle degli altri
Non si vede perché Mr Trump debba essere trattato come un incolto visionario oscurantista perché è convinto che il ‘clima’ sia un problema inesistente, sollevato ad arte dai liberal per trarne illeciti guadagni: non è un eretico, anche perché il ‘clima’ non è oggetto di fede. Scambiando i termini, i visionari incolti ed oscurantisti sono i liberal della redazione dello Spiegel.
Invece che a Mr Trump, la redazione dello Spiegel farebbe bene a controllare meglio l’operato dei suoi redattori.
Richard Grenell has demanded an investigation after a journalist for a respected news weekly in Germany was caught falsifying reports from the US. The magazine has rejected claims of anti-Americanism.
US Ambassador to Germany Richard Grenell on Friday demanded an independent investigation into a German journalist who was caught making up key details in a series of reports for Der Spiegel news magazine.
He said the revelations “are troubling to the US Embassy, particularly because several of these fake stories focused on US policies and certain segments of the American people.”
He said he wrote to the editors of the respected news weekly calling for an “independent and transparent investigation.”
He said it was clear the US had been the victim of institutional bias at the magazine, saying the outlet encouraged anti-American reporting, particularly since Donald Trump was elected president.
Journalist Claas Relotius, 33, resigned after admitting to making up stories and inventing protagonists in more than a dozen articles in the magazine’s print and online editions. Since then, other outlets the freelancer wrote for, such as Die Welt and Die Zeit, have been poring over their articles.
On Friday, Der Spiegel published a letter in response to Grenell’s requests.
“We apologize to all American citizens who have been insulted and denigrated by these reports. We are very sorry. That should never have happened,” Der Spiegel‘s Dirk Kurbjuweit wrote.
“However, I would like to contradict you on one point. If we criticize the American president, it is not anti-Americanism, but criticism of the policy of the man in the White House. Anti-Americanism is deeply foreign to me and I am absolutely aware of what Germany owes to the United States: a great deal. At Spiegel, there is no institutional bias towards the USA.
“You suggest that in other cases, too, there has been erroneous reporting about your country. Please tell us about these cases and we will investigate them immediately,” Kurbjuweit wrote.
One of the cases that particularly infuriated the Americans was a story where Relotius claimed to have visited a small American town to find out why people there had voted for Trump. He fabricated major elements of the story including people, quotes and geographical details. In another story he wrote about a woman who watches executions in America. In that case the woman does exist, but they only met briefly and he invented large portions of the story. In another case he wrote about a civilian militia on the border with Mexico in which he made up quotes and details.
On Saturday Der Spiegel published a 23-page special report on how the award-winning reporter, faked stories for years. It said the deceit was the “worst thing that can happen to an editorial team.” It also apologized for the mistake and promised to “do everything to boost our credibility again.”
Grenell bites back
Grenell later shared what he saw as examples of anti-American bias at the magazine.
«Il ministro degli Esteri francese, Jean-Yves Le Drian, ha invitato il presidente americano Donald Trump, che ha commentato con una serie di tweet le manifestazioni di gilet gialli in Francia, a non immischiarsi nella politica interna francese»
«Io dico a Donald Trump – ha affermato il capo del Quai d’Orsay alla tv LCI – ma anche il presidente Macron glielo dice: ‘noi non ci immischiamo nei dibattiti americani, lui ci lasci vivere la nostra vita di nazione’»
«Noi da parte nostra …. non facciamo considerazioni sulla politica interna americana e ci piacerebbe che fosse reciproco»
«Ieri, Trump aveva parlato di un “tristissimo giorno” a Parigi collegando ancora una volta la manifestazione dei gilet gialli con l’accordo sul clima: i manifestanti – ha twittato – “scandiscono ‘vogliamo Trump’. Io adoro la Francia”.»
* * * * * * *
«Mentre a Parigi lentamente riaprono negozi, musei, monumenti, teatri rimasti chiusi ieri per la 4/a manifestazione dei gilet gialli, arrivano le ultime cifre del ministero degli Interni: 136.000 i manifestanti in tutto il Paese, lo stesso numero di una settimana prima»
«Macron, obiettivo numero uno della protesta, dovrebbe prendere la parola davanti ai francesi fra domani e martedì, anche per disinnescare una nuova protesta sabato prossimo»
«Un silenzio lungo una settimana e molto pesante: Emmanuel Macron non ha mai preso la parola in questa settimana cruciale del suo mandato, quella in cui all’Eliseo è circolata la parola “golpe” e la popolarità del presidente investito dalla rabbia dei gilet gialli è precipitata al minimo storico del 21%.»
«la popolarità a picco, i fischi durante l’omaggio alla tomba del milite ignoto profanata, gli slogan ostili quando è andato in visita a Puy-en-Velay, dove i casseur avevano incendiato la Prefettura»
* * * * * * *
I twitter di Mr Trump sono taglienti.
Ricorda ai francesi, e quindi anche a Mr Macron, come negli Stati Uniti il gas costi 2.69$ contro il 5.57$ della Francia: quasi il doppio. Prezzo enorme perché gravata da un volume elevato di accise e tasse volte a sostenere il finanziamento di un ‘clima’ oramai rottamato da mezzo mondo. Le vogliette ideologiche si pagano, costato care, ed alla fine i Contribuenti scendono in piazza e fanno il diavolo a quattro.
Ma il veleno non si ferma mica qui.
Mr Trump ricorda sommessamente a Mr Macron come la popolarità del primo sia al 50%, mentre quella del Presidente Francese si al 18%. Gran brutta ferita purulenta quella di Mr Macron, la cui superbia luciferina continua a tormentarlo, facendogli provare prematuramente quello che poi sarà la sua definitiva collocazione nell’inferno. Mr Macron passa da una colica colecistica all’altra al solo pensiero che i francesi siano così ingrati da non voler riconoscere il suo immenso valore. Il 18% è urente come un ferro incandescente immesso nel loculo a lui più caro.
Ma il coup de grace è quando Mr Trump cita Mr Salvini, ossia quel personaggio che Mr Macron ha indicato come il suo ‘nemico mortale’.
«Salvini: «Macron n’est plus un problème pour moi
mais pour les Français»»
Già. Macron non è più un problema per Mr Salvini: lo è invece per i francesi.
* * * * * * *
Ma dentro l’alcova ovattata ove il fido Benalla cerca di lenire i dolori del Presidente Macron girano nefasti pensieri.
Chi mai avrebbe potuto macchinare un qualcosa contro il buon Mr Macron?
Chi mai avrebbe potuto mobilitare centinaia di migliaia di persone nelle piazze francesi? Chi mai le sobilla? Chi mai le ha istruite e le guida? Infine: chi paga tutto questo? Rôti de Macron?
Il convitato di pietra se la ghigna tranquillo, irride la rabbia impotente di Mr Macron.
^ ^ ^
Ma la realtà è ancora peggiore.
I deputati eletti alla Camera nelle fila del partito del Presidente dapprima guardavano attoniti il disfacimento della loro formazione, adesso invece stanno facendo i conti con le prossime elezioni, alle quali saranno trombati.
Il ministro degli Esteri francese, Jean-Yves Le Drian, ha invitato il presidente americano Donald Trump, che ha commentato con una serie di tweet le manifestazioni di gilet gialli in Francia, a non immischiarsi nella politica interna francese. “Io dico a Donald Trump – ha affermato il capo del Quai d’Orsay alla tv LCI – ma anche il presidente Macron glielo dice: ‘noi non ci immischiamo nei dibattiti americani, lui ci lasci vivere la nostra vita di nazione’ “.”Noi da parte nostra – ha continuato Le Drian – non facciamo considerazioni sulla politica interna americana e ci piacerebbe che fosse reciproco”. Ieri, Trump aveva parlato di un “tristissimo giorno” a Parigi collegando ancora una volta la manifestazione dei gilet gialli con l’accordo sul clima: i manifestanti – ha twittato – “scandiscono ‘vogliamo Trump’. Io adoro la Francia”. Le Drian ha smentito in modo netto: “per quanto ne so io i gilet gialli non hanno manifestato in inglese – ha replicato – e, per dirla tutta, le immagini apparse negli Stati Uniti in cui si sentiva ‘We want Trump’ erano state girate a Londra durante una visita di Trump diversi mesi fa”.
Mentre a Parigi lentamente riaprono negozi, musei, monumenti, teatri rimasti chiusi ieri per la 4/a manifestazione dei gilet gialli, arrivano le ultime cifre del ministero degli Interni: 136.000 i manifestanti in tutto il Paese, lo stesso numero di una settimana prima. Sono state 1.723 le persone identificate, per 1.220 di loro è scattato lo stato di fermo. Emmanuel Macron, obiettivo numero uno della protesta, dovrebbe prendere la parola davanti ai francesi fra domani e martedì, anche per disinnescare una nuova protesta sabato prossimo. Ieri sera il presidente si è limitato ad un tweet in cui ha ringraziato le forze dell’ordine impegnate sul territorio “per il coraggio e l’eccezionale professionalità”.
IL PUNTO – Ora Macron dovrà aprire al dialogo coi gilet gialli – Un silenzio lungo una settimana e molto pesante: Emmanuel Macron non ha mai preso la parola in questa settimana cruciale del suo mandato, quella in cui all’Eliseo è circolata la parola “golpe” e la popolarità del presidente investito dalla rabbia dei gilet gialli è precipitata al minimo storico del 21%. Lo farà ad inizio settimana e il fatto che la situazione non sia precipitata oggi a Parigi lo aiuterà nella sua iniziativa. Macron aveva condannato le violenze a 11.000 chilometri dal suo paese, mentre si trovava al G20 in Argentina, subito dopo che i suoi collaboratori gli avevano mostrato sul cellulare le terribili immagini degli Champs-Elysees. Dopo il rientro ha lasciato la scena al premier Edouard Philippe, considerato fino a quel momento l’uomo meno disponibile al dialogo con i gilet gialli. Per il presidente, solo rovesci: la popolarità a picco, i fischi durante l’omaggio alla tomba del milite ignoto profanata, gli slogan ostili quando è andato in visita a Puy-en-Velay, dove i casseur avevano incendiato la Prefettura. Per non parlare della pesante ironia via tweet centellinata da un Donald Trump che continua a ripetergli che la rivolta dei gilet gialli è la conferma che lui aveva ragione a bocciare gli accordi di Parigi sul clima. Il silenzio e la riflessione sono stati interrotti soltanto da incontri con rappresentanti delle forze dell’ordine o per riunioni con Philippe e gli stretti collaboratori per cercare di trovare una via d’uscita a questa crisi. E’ lui nel mirino della protesta, nonostante le concessioni volute personalmente, come la marcia indietro sull’ecotassa. Ed è lui che dovrà risolvere il problema, uscendo dal silenzio per il quale in questi giorni è stato rimproverato anche dai portavoce dei gilet gialli, che l’hanno interpretato come “segno di disprezzo”.
Forse sarebbe anche un bene. Molte persone usano una straordinaria violenza verbale, riaffermano in modo altisonante principi universali, spesso mal riportati e male intesi, ma quando finalmente si sia arrivati al dunque della devoluzione delle ideologie liberale e socialista, dello statalismo statocratico e statolatra, nemmeno se ne accorgono.
Eppure presto, se tutto procedesse come adesso sta procedendo, la resa finale dei conti si sta avvicinando a grandissimi passi.
Gli Stati Uniti di Mr Trump hanno dichiarato guerra ai liberal socialisti europei: vogliono semplicemente che se ne vadano via dalle stanze dei bottoni.
I sovranisti europei avrebbero trovato un santo patrono, potente in opere e parole. Frau Merkel dovrebbe ben saperne qualcosa.
«La bromance entre Emmanuel Macron et Donald Trump toucherait-elle à sa fin ? Il faut croire que oui ! Via son compte Twitter, le Président américain n’a pas hésité à profiter du mouvement des Gilets jaunes pour tacler son homologue français…
Le plus fidèle utilisateur de Twitter vient à nouveau de frapper ! Depuis qu’il a été élu à la tête des Etats-Unis, Donald Trump a fait du réseau social une arme de destruction massive. A coups de messages de 280 caractères, le père d’Ivanka, Donald Trump Jr., Barron, Tiffany et Eric, n’hésite pas à étriller ses opposants politiques.»
* * *
«The political vultures are circling around the French president and there’s much at stake for the world order»
«Less than a month ago, French President Emmanuel Macron staked his claim as the flag-bearer for globalism»
«In a speech to 60 world leaders at the Arc de Triomphe, he eulogized the United Nations and declared nationalism the “betrayal” of patriotism.»
«Last Saturday, tear gas and cobblestones flew in the same part of Paris as protesters trashed the iconic monument and demanded Macron’s embattled government withdraw a proposed fuel-tax increase»
«For the first time in his presidency, he backed down. It was a humbling moment for opponents of the populist revolts that spawned Donald Trump»
«Poland is flirting with the far right and nationalist parties cajoled by Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban are plotting a rebellion at European Parliamentary elections in May. Meanwhile, Italy has collided with the European Union by taking a defiant stand on its budget spending»
«But Merkel’s power on the world stage was underpinned by a political fortress at home, and the French leader looks anything but solid»
«You can’t make speeches about defending the international order when your popularity is at 20 percent and there are protesters in the street, …. It’s very difficult to get your credibility back»
«The images televised around the world last weekend were of burning cars in the French capital. The retreat by the 40-year-old French leader was mocked by Trump»
«No tax merits putting our nation’s unity in danger»
«Trump ignored him and withdrew from the Iran nuclear accord and the Paris climate agreement. Trump tweeted that Macron’s climb down over a carbon tax that would raise fuel prices was proof that he’d been right all al»
«French opposition parties will file a joint no-confidence motion against the government on Monday. It’s unlikely to make much difference»
«But European elections and a series of municipal and regional votes over the next two years could shape up as referendums on his policies, according to Antonio Barroso, an analyst at Teneo Intelligence, which looks at political risk.»
«Even after Macron climbed down on the fuel taxes, the Yellow Vests have said they won’t dismantle their roadblocks and blockades. While they don’t have the formal organization of populist groups Italy’s Five Star Movement, the momentum is with them. Copycat protests have spread to Belgium and the Netherlands»
* * * * * * *
I Gilet Jaunes in Francia non stanno lottando per una mera riduzione delle tasse. vogliono la testa di Mr Macron e quelle dei suoi Ministri.
Ma la loro protesta è destinata ad estendersi in tutti i paesi retti da governi liberal socialisti, Germania inclusa.
Ci saranno degli alti e dei bassi, sicuramente, ma alla fine il Popolo Sovrano si riapproprierà di ciò che gli compete: il governo politico della nazione.
Ed intanto, il 23 maggio si voterà perle elezioni europee.
The political vultures are circling around the French president and there’s much at stake for the world order.
Less than a month ago, French President Emmanuel Macron staked his claim as the flag-bearer for globalism. In a speech to 60 world leaders at the Arc de Triomphe, he eulogized the United Nations and declared nationalism the “betrayal” of patriotism.
Last Saturday, tear gas and cobblestones flew in the same part of Paris as protesters trashed the iconic monument and demanded Macron’s embattled government withdraw a proposed fuel-tax increase. For the first time in his presidency, he backed down. It was a humbling moment for opponents of the populist revolts that spawned Donald Trump.
Europe has seen many a critical juncture in recent years, from the Greek debt crisis to the anti-immigrant backlash against refugees and Britain’s Brexit vote. Rarely, though, have so many political vultures been circling around one leader with so much at stake for the world order.
Poland is flirting with the far right and nationalist parties cajoled by Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban are plotting a rebellion at European Parliamentary elections in May. Meanwhile, Italy has collided with the European Union by taking a defiant stand on its budget spending.
With the EU’s erstwhile firefighter, Angela Merkel, planning to step down as German chancellor, the baton was supposed to pass to Macron to uphold liberal democracy. But Merkel’s power on the world stage was underpinned by a political fortress at home, and the French leader looks anything but solid.
“You can’t make speeches about defending the international order when your popularity is at 20 percent and there are protesters in the street,” said Nicholas Dungan, a Paris-based senior fellow at the Atlantic Council. “It’s very difficult to get your credibility back.”
It’s a stark contrast to the weekend of Nov. 11 as leaders marked a century since the end of World War I. Macron championed the need for global cooperation while Trump cut an isolated figure. Europe’s divisions were laid bare that day as Polish government officials marched through Warsaw with far-right groups to mark the country’s Independence Day. Macron, though, stood firm as Europe’s statesman.
The images televised around the world last weekend were of burning cars in the French capital. The retreat by the 40-year-old French leader was mocked by Trump. Macron admitted, via his prime minister, that he’s not been able to connect with the French people. “No tax merits putting our nation’s unity in danger,” Edouard Philippe said in a televised address.
The trouble for opponents of Trump-style nativism and protectionism is that there’s no one else to take up his mantle, Dungan said.
After Macron was elected in May 2017, he sought to work with Merkel and a friendly government in Rome to deepen European integration. He reached out to Trump to convince the American president to stick to international agreements.
Trump ignored him and withdrew from the Iran nuclear accord and the Paris climate agreement. Trump tweeted that Macron’s climb down over a carbon tax that would raise fuel prices was proof that he’d been right all along.
Merkel, meanwhile, was wounded in German elections in September 2017 and is about to be replaced as the head of her party, almost certainly by someone less keen on European integration. Italy elected a Euroskeptic government in March.
“His ambitions for a strong Europe had already taken a hit from events in Germany and elsewhere,” said Philippe Moreau Defarges, an adviser at the Paris-based French Institute for International Affairs. “But he emerges seriously weakened from the recent events. He’s just not appeared up to the level, and France’s image has taken a terrible blow.”
At home, his popularity has been sinking, hurt by the failure of his early unpopular changes to labor and tax law to revive the French economy. Macron’s policies are seen to favor the wealthy, and poll after poll have shown the French electorate thinks the former banker is aloof and arrogant. His approval rating is at 28 percent, according to an average of seven polling institutes.
Then came the “Yellow Vests.” The grassroots protest movement was sparked by opposition to his environmental policy of hiking taxes on diesel and gasoline to fund incentives to buy cleaner cars and home housing systems. But it’s evolved into widespread anger about the rising cost of living and declining services in rural and small-town France.
The protesters’ demands have expanded accordingly. Some want to restore the wealth tax, increasing pensions, raising the minimum wage, cutting the salaries of politicians, and even to Macron resigning and replacing the National Assembly with a “people’s council.” Polls show three-quarters of the French support their demands, even if they also disapprove of the violence that’s accompanied many of the protests.
Macron doesn’t face national elections until 2022, and he’s always said he doesn’t care about popularity polls. French opposition parties will file a joint no-confidence motion against the government on Monday. It’s unlikely to make much difference.
But European elections and a series of municipal and regional votes over the next two years could shape up as referendums on his policies, according to Antonio Barroso, an analyst at Teneo Intelligence, which looks at political risk.
“Whether Macron will have enough political space to implement more economic reforms will probably be determined by the European Parliament elections, which will likely be interpreted as a ‘midterm vote’ on the presidency,” Barroso said.
Even after Macron climbed down on the fuel taxes, the Yellow Vests have said they won’t dismantle their roadblocks and blockades. While they don’t have the formal organization of populist groups Italy’s Five Star Movement, the momentum is with them. Copycat protests have spread to Belgium and the Netherlands.
Most of its members will vote for either Marine Le Pen’s anti-immigrant National Rally or Jean-Luc Melenchon’s far-left France Unbowed, said Marc Lazar, a professor at Sciences Po in Paris. Both party leaders were defeated by Macron last year and eye another shot at power. The worry for the EU is that neither of them are defenders of the bloc’s integrity.
Any breakthroughs by those parties in May’s European elections will make it difficult for Macron to push on with his agenda — for France and beyond. “Macron emerges from this extremely weakened and isolated,” said Lazar. “Both at home and in Europe.”