Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Unione Europea

Germania. Procedura per il governo di minoranza.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2018-02-26.

Merkel 999

Le trattative per la Große Koalition navigano in acque basse, che la sinistra dell’Spd e la Csu hanno accuratamente minato. Il 4 marzo si saprà cosa abbiano  deciso gli iscritti alla socialdemocrazia.

Germania. Spd. Herr Kevin Kuehnert e la cagnetta Lima iscritta al partito.

Merkel. Due terzi dell’Spd supporterebbero il cancellierato Merkel.

Dal 21 settembre Frau Merkel è praticamente scomparsa: non si sente e non si vede più. In questi anni di cancellierato è riuscita ad inimicarsi un gran numero di suoi deputati, ivi compresi quelli trombati alle scorse elezioni. Tutti in attesa di farle lo sgambetto, senza farsene vedere.

Ma non è mica che Herr Schulz stia poi molto meglio.

La Spd è praticamente spezzata in due tronconi, pro e contro la Große Koalition. Herr Schulz è obbligato a fare giochi di equilibrismo politico, cercando compromessi per tutti insoddisfacenti.

Quello che sembrerebbe delinearsi sarebbe un quadro di instabilità politica.

Se è difficile formare una nuova Große Koalition, sarebbe invero facilissimo che si disgregasse strada facendo.

Ma sussiste anche la possibilità che l’Spd bocci l’accordo.

Due alternative, quindi: elezioni anticipate oppure governo di minoranza.

La prima, elezioni anticipate, sarebbe benedetta da AfD e da Fdp, ma né la Spd né la Unione, Cdu e Csu, le gradirebbero: le proiezioni sono per loro sinistre.

La seconda, governo di minoranza, sembrerebbe essere la peggiore di tutte le possibili scelte politiche, ma sarebbe anche l’unica via per concedere a Frau Merkel quel quarto cancellierato per ottenere il quale ha distrutto Germania ed Unione Europea.

Il potere distruttivo dell’inedia è terrificante: lasciati lì, i problemi marciscono in modo irredimibile.

*

Ci si porta avanti con il lavoro e di parla allora di come si formi in Germania un Governo di minoranza. Per scaramanzia. Questa è la procedura per arrivare ad un governo di minoranza.

Germany’s divided SPD: the ultimate grand coalition decider

«After German reunification in 1990, the Social Democratic Party (SPD) boasted nearly a million members. These days, that figure is just over 440,000»

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«But without the consent of SPD party members, Germany will not be governed by a so-called grand coalition»

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«Should SPD members ultimately vote against forming another grand coalition, the ball will be in President Frank-Walter Steinmeier’s court. The head of state, normally a mostly ceremonial role, will propose a chancellor candidate for election by the Bundestag — likely to be Merkel, whose party garnered the most votes in September’s election.

The candidate needs an absolute majority to be approved. Should that threshold not be reached, another vote is held two weeks later. If an absolute majority is still lacking, parliament votes a third time, and then only a relative majority is needed. After that, Steinmeier would have to decide whether to appoint the elected candidate as the new chancellor of a minority government, or dissolve parliament and call for a new election to be held within 60 days.

Thus far, the SPD leadership has avoided discussing the possibility of a new election, which could see the party fare even worse than the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD). Instead, SPD leaders are campaigning for support of the coalition treaty, keeping under wraps, for the time being, which SPD politicians would receive a minister post in the new cabinet.

The beleaguered Martin Schulz, who initially wanted to avoid serving in a Merkel-led cabinet at all costs, is reportedly seeking the job of foreign minister — yet another about-face which could fan the flames of grand coalition opponents within the SPD.»

* * * * * * * *

Germania ed Unione Europea stanno pagando uno scotto molto alto all’inedia di Frau Merkel, che in ogni caso, ne uscirà politicamente ridotta ad una nullità.

Annunci
Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo

Germania. Baviera. Csu inverte la rotta. Troppo tardi.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2018-02-22.

Merkel 0921_Piccolo Formato

I media possono dire e scrivere qualunque cosa vogliano, vera o falsa, giusta o sbagliata, elogiatrice o calunniatrice, laudatoria o denigrante, tanto la realtà resta lì, minimamente scalfita dalle loro esternazioni. Tanto, ben poche sono le copie vendute e lette.

Gli Elettori stanno dando voto e promesse di voto ad Alternative für Deutschland e stanno ritirando il consenso a suo tempo dato alla Csu ed all’Spd.

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Anzi, per chiunque scorresse la lista dei risultati delle prospezioni, ossia il loro sviluppo storico, noterebbe immediatamente come l’ondata migratoria abbia sicuramente innescato il fenomeno, ma il comportamento di politici e media sia stato il vero elemento critico nel determinate il tracollo dei partiti tradizionali tedeschi.

La gente è semplicemente stufa, stanca, non ne può proprio di più della loro boriosa retorica.

E più questa prosegue, più si intensifica, più diventa urlata, maggiori sono i consensi che lasciano Union, Cdu e Csu, ed Spd per confluire su Alternative für Deutschland, che adesso è vicina ad avere più consensi dei socialdemocratici.

L’Spd è arrivata al 16% dei consensi.

Ma se le elezioni del 24 settembre furono una clamorosa débâcle, questi cinque mesi di inedia alla ricerca di compromessi snaturanti ha causato una ben peggiore emorragia di consensi.

Nei fatti, non è tanto Alternative für Deutschland che conquista consensi, quanto piuttosto loro che li perdono, e più li perdono più si incancreniscono nel loro modus sentiendi operandique.

* * * * * * *

La Csu bavarese ha subito un crollo di quasi dieci punti percentuali, ossia un decremento percentuale del -25%.

Un quarto dei suoi Elettori le ha voltato le spalle.

L’anno prossimo si terranno le elezioni nei Länder dell’Assia e della Baviera, e le previsioni elettorali sono fosche.

Germania. Elezioni di ottobre in Assia. Prospezioni.

Baviera 2018. Anche i liberal massoni piangono.

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La Csu ha cercato di correre ai ripari.

Germania. Csu. Mr Seehofer potrebbe essere sostituito da Mr Söder.

Ed infatti Herr Söder ha sostituito Herr Seehofer, silurato con una operazione degna del Kremlin.

Ma il cambio della guardia ben poco gioverebbe senza un cambio di direzione politica.

Ecco alcune frasi pronunciate da Herr Söder.

«For anyone who believes that Islam or even Sharia belongs to our country, I can only say they have nothing to do with Bavaria’s cultural heritage»

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«We can’t forget our own people»

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«We are the only country in the world in which you can get in without a passport but you can’t get out»

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«We want to reunite the democratic right, …. It was a mistake to surrender to (the AfD) those voters who are to the right of center»

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«the CSU was not moving to the far-right but simply returning to its past credibility»

* * * * * * *

Discorsi questi che avrebbero anche potuto essere credibili se la Csu non avesse aderito al programma Merkel – Schulz per il rinnovo della Große Koalition: quanto sottoscritto con Cdu ed Spd contraddice vistosamente con quanto detto e qui riportato.

E non ci si illuda che gli Elettori abbocchino.


Handelsblatt. 2018-02-16. Bavaria’s folksy push to the political right

The premier-elect of this conservative southern state wants to recapture political ground his party, the Christian Social Union, lost to the populist Alternative for Germany.

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Markus Söder had a stark message for the 4,000 party loyalists, many clad in traditional leather pants and dirndl dresses, who turned out to see the CSU politician speak at an annual political roast on Ash Wednesday: “For anyone who believes that Islam or even Sharia belongs to our country, I can only say they have nothing to do with Bavaria’s cultural heritage.”

Was that a battle cry against the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party? You bet it was. The AfD campaigned on a xenophobic, anti-immigrant and anti-Islamic platform last year and caused a political earthquake in Europe’s second-largest economy when it became the first right-wing party voted into the Bundestag since World War II. And more than a battle cry, was Mr. Söder’s choice of location for the roast – Passau – near the Austrian border, where thousands of Muslim migrants crossed the border in 2015 and 2016, in any way symbolic? Absolutely.

Mr. Söder has shifted into attack mode, eight months ahead of the state election in Bavaria, where the CSU, the Bavarian sister party to Chancellor Angela Merkel’s CDU, could lose its absolute majority in the regional parliament if it fails to halt the AfD. The state finance and homeland minister, who will replace his party’s premier, Horst Seehofer, next month, is pulling out all the weapons in his war chest to fight the populist party. In an impassioned 80-minute speech, he vowed to increase deportations of failed asylum seekers, tighten border security and beef up scrutiny of foreign funding for mosques – all core vote-grabbing issues of the AfD.

Above the clatter of beer mugs and lively chatter, the 51-year-old politician spoke of Germans being worried about the sheer numbers of refugees and other migrants who have entered the country (more than 1.4 million people have applied for asylum in since 2014, representing more than 43 percent of total applications to the EU). While honoring the numbers Bavaria has accepted, he warned of the soaring costs that have emptied state coffers. “We can’t forget our own people,” he said to a roaring crowd.

In veiled criticism of Chancellor Merkel’s open-door policy that allowed many refugees to enter the country without identification and of the government’s largely failed program to deport rejected asylum seekers, he added: “We are the only country in the world in which you can get in without a passport but you can’t get out.” That line drew even louder clapping and cheering.

In many ways, Mr. Söder sounded like Franz-Josef Strauss, the tough-talking arch-Bavarian who helped found the CSU and led the party for 25 years. The legendary politician proclaimed in his campaign for the state election in 1986: “No legitimate political party can be right of the CSU.”

That’s exactly where the designated premier wants to reposition the party after being tugged into the middle as a junior partner in the conservative alliance, known as the “union,” together with Ms. Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union. “We want to reunite the democratic right,” he said. “It was a mistake to surrender to (the AfD) those voters who are to the right of center.”

The conservatives, Mr. Söder stressed, must make clear to voters that the AfD is “no substitute for the union.” He stressed the CSU was not moving to the far-right but simply returning to its “past credibility.”

The CDU and CSU both bled support to the anti-immigrant AfD in last September’s national election. The alliance suffered its worst election result since WWII, down to 33 percent of the vote from 41.5 percent in 2013.

Ms. Merkel has come under intense fire in recent days from conservatives for giving too many concessions to the Social Democrats to renew a coalition deal with the center-left party. Many are particularly angered over losing the finance ministry, considered second only to the chancellorship in importance.

Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Unione Europea

Germania. Union 29.5%, Spd 16.5%, AfD 15.0%. Bravi. Proseguiamo così.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2018-02-12.

2018-02-12__germania__001

L’Insa ha rilasciato oggi, 12 febbraio, le ultime prospezioni per il voto in Germania.

In poco meno di un mese l’Union avrebbe perso 4.5 punti percentuali, mentre l’Spd ne avrebbe persi 3.5. Cifre che in variazione percentuale superano il -10%.

AfD, standosene seduta lungo il fiume a vedere i cadaveri che passano, è salita dal 12% al 15%: + 3 punti percentuali, un incremento percentuale superiore al 20%.

Tra Spd ed AfD la differenza in punti percentuali è scesa da otto ad uno e mezzo.

Intanto è passata la carcassa di Herr Schulz. Aveva tre coltelli piantati nella schiena, come si conviene a tutti i traditori. Si resta in attesa di quella di Frau Merkel e sodali.

Frau Merkel ed Herr Schulz sono stati e sono tuttora i più fidati alleati di Mr Putin, che nemmeno deve togliersi l’incomodo di pagarli.

Adesso aspettiamo fiduciosi il voto degli iscritti all’Spd, nella speranza che non leggano le proiezioni elettorali e si indirizzino a passo sicuro verso la catastrofe finale.

In fondo, sono o non sono fautori dell’eutanasia?

Ma non erano le risorse islamiche quelle che avrebbero dovuto salvarli?

Große Koalition. Decideranno gli islamici iscritti alla Spd.

Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Unione Europea

NoGroKo JuSo. I giovani socialisti vogliono affossare la Große Koalition.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2018-02-09.

 Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1573–1610). Die Festnahme Christi (1598) - Il bacio di Giuda. Odessa Museum of Western and Eastern Art.

«Für 10 Euro bleibst du zwei Monate Mitglied,

stimmst gegen die Große Koalition und gehst dann wieder raus»


Le ultime prospezioni dell’Insa darebbero la Union (Cdu e Csu) al 30.5% e lìSpd al 17%: il 24 settembre avevano ottenuto il 32.9% ed il 20.5%, rispettivamente. AfD sarebbe salita invece dal 12.6% all’attuale 15%.

Il 14 ottobre si voterà in Baviera e le prospezioni indicherebbero ad oggi che la Csu perderebbe 7.8 punti percentuali, la Spd ne perderebbe 5.8, mentre AfD ne guadagnerebbe 13.1 (tredici punto uno).

Il 28 ottobre si voterà in Hessen (Assia), e le proiezioni indicano la Cdu a -7.5 punti percentuali, l’Spd a -5.5, ed AfD al 12%, con un guadagno di 8 punti percentuali.

«L’Spd ha accusato il peggior risultato dal Dopoguerra nelle ultime elezioni del 24 settembre, prendendo il 20%. Un sondaggio di Forsa fa emergere che se si andasse a votare ora l’Spd calerebbe al 18%: e se il 76% degli aventi diritto si recasse alle urne, in linea con gli ultimi trend, la quota all’Spd scenderebbe al 14 per cento.

Un nuovo numero, e recente, aggrava l’incertezza: a inizio gennaio, dopo che solo il 56% dei vertici dell’Spd ha espresso giudizio favorevole all’accordo preliminare sulla GroKo riuscendo appena a bloccare il dissenso della corrente dei giovani, il numero dei tesserati è salito da 440mila a 464 mila, un aumento di 24mila in un mese: in centinaia, al giorno. Secondo una chiave di lettura, la “chiamata alle armi” del 28enne Kevin Kuehnert, leader dei giovani Juso, può aver dato i suoi frutti: i nuovi tesserati sarebbero i contrari alla grande coalizione.

Quel che preme all’elettorato socialdemocratico, e questa è un’altra linea di pensiero, non è l’Europa ma una migliore Germania

Schulz, un grande politico ormai con un piccolo seguito.» [Sole 24 Ore]

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Questi dati sembrerebbero indicare che se il 24 settembre la allora Große Koalition aveva preso una legnata terrificante (perse 189 deputati elettivi), tutto questo tempo dilapidato per formare una coalizione dei perdenti abbia corroso ulteriormente la base elettorale dell’Union e dell’Spd.

Se si votasse oggi la Große Koalition sarebbe semplicemente impossibile: non avrebbe la maggioranza dei deputati.

Ma Frau Merkel ed Herr Schulz perseguono esclusivamente la loro bramosa voluttà di un concupiscente potere: ritornare ad essere Cancelliera e poter finalmente gestire il Ministero degli Esteri. Poi, après moi le déluge!

Oscar Wilde diceva che

«L’egoismo non consiste nel vivere come ci pare ma nell’esigere che gli altri vivano come pare a noi.»

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Ma il diavolo fa le pentole, mica che faccia anche i coperchi: prima lusinga ed ammalia, indi affossa senza pietà alcuna.

I congiurati che assassinarono Giulio Cesare ebbero per tre giorni il controllo dell’Urbe e dell’esercito, ma dopo il discorso di Antonio furono obbligati alla fuga ed infine i conti si regolarono a Filippi.

Tutti i superbi incontrano un giorno o l’altro il loro Antonio.

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2018-02-09__NoGroKo-Tour-Deutschlandkarte-724x1024

Se Frau Merkel tiene in assoluto non cale la propria base elettorale ed il fatto di aver rinnegato tutto il programma con il quale aveva chiesto il voto agli elettori, il miserabile Herr Schulz deve invece fare i conti con il proprio partito. Deve sottoporre al voto degli iscritti la vidimazione del proprio operato.

L’Antonio di Herr Schulz si chiama Kevin Kühnert.

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Herr Kevin Kühnert è ad oggi il leader dei giovani socialisti, JuSo. Ecco cosa vuole:

«urges delegates to the party not to back another four years of coalition with German Chancellor Angela Merkel»

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Già una volta Herr Schulz ha chiesto ai 463,723 iscritti all’Spd il parere sul suo operato:

«The hand vote outcome was unclear so an exact count was necessary. To the huge relief of some, the great disappointment of others, the result was: Ja – 362, Nein – 279. One delegate abstained.»

Ha ottenuto una maggioranza ben risicata.

Ed adesso deve tornare ad interrogare la base degli iscritti.

Herr Kevin Kühnert sembrerebbe essere un vero e proprio guastafeste: non ha nessuna intenzione di suicidarsi per fare un piacere a Frau Merkel ed ad Herr Schulz: è loro riconoscente quanto Frau Merkel lo fu ad Herr Helmut Kohl.

Da giovane socialista disinvolto e spigliato, nel breve volgere di pochi giorni porta 24,339 nuovi iscritti al partito socialista.

«Kevin Kühnert (1. Juli 1989 in West-Berlin) ist ein deutscher Politiker der SPD und seit dem 24. November 2017 Bundesvorsitzender der Jusos. Zuvor amtierte er als stellvertretender Vorsitzender

Kühnert trat 2005 in die SPD ein und war von 2012 bis 2015 Landesvorsitzender der Jusos Berlin. Ab 2015 war er stellvertretender Juso-Bundesvorsitzender und für die Themen Steuerpolitik, Rentenpolitik, Strukturpolitik, Rechtsextremismus und Migrationspolitik sowie für die Social-Media-Arbeit zuständig. Am 24. November 2017 wählte ihn der Bundeskongress in Saarbrücken mit 225 von 297 Stimmen zum Vorsitzenden der Jusos. Er trat damit die Nachfolge von Johanna Uekermann an, die nicht noch einmal zur Wahl angetreten war.

Kommunalpolitisch ist Kühnert im Bezirk Tempelhof-Schöneberg als Mitglied der Bezirksverordnetenversammlung aktiv

Nach seiner Wahl zum Juso-Bundesvorsitzenden sprach sich Kühnert gegen die Bildung einer erneuten Großen Koalition aus („#NoGroKo“). Während der Sondierungsgespräche über die Bildung einer solchen Koalition im Januar 2018 bekräftigte er seine Position und sprach sich stattdessen für eine Minderheitsregierung aus. Nach dem SPD-Parteitag vom 21. Januar 2018 in Bonn intensivierten die Jusos ihre Kampagne #NoGroko und forderten Unterstützer unter dem Motto „Tritt ein, sag’ Nein“ zum Eintritt in die SPD auf, um die Große Koalition bei der anstehenden Urwahl zu verhindern.

SPD-Generalsekretär Lars Klingbeil kritisierte die Juso-Aktion: „Wenn man jetzt sagt, ‚Tritt ein: Für 10 Euro bleibst du zwei Monate Mitglied, stimmst gegen die Große Koalition und gehst dann wieder raus‘, das entspricht nicht dem, wie ich Partei-Arbeit verstehe. Das reduziert auch den Wert einer Mitgliedschaft. Da sollten wir klar vereinbaren, dass sowas nicht geht.“

Kühnert seinerseits betonte, dass die Jusos Neumitglieder werben wollten, die aus Überzeugung in die SPD eintreten, „weil sie unsere Grundwerte teilen. Wenn diese Mitglieder anschließend unserer Argumentation folgen, die Große Koalition abzulehnen, ist daran nichts anrüchig.“

Kühnert wirbt für eine Polarisierung zwischen den großen Volksparteien, damit Rechtspopulisten sich nicht als vermeintliche Alternative darstellen könnten; er nennt die Besteuerung von Vermögen, einen höheren Mindestlohn und die Bekämpfung von Leiharbeit.

Die Glyphosat-Entscheidung im Kabinett Merkel sei gegen einen klaren Kabinettsbeschluss der GroKo getroffen worden.[10] Hinsichtlich einer in der SPD diskutierten Kooperationskoalition (KoKo) sagte er in einem Interview im Dezember 2017: „Viele Menschen, die eine große Koalition nicht wollen, haben ein sehr feines Gespür dafür, wenn versucht wird, ihnen ein alternatives Modell zu verkaufen, […]“

Am 1. Februar 2018 äußerte er im Interview mit Jan Böhmermann im Neo Magazin Royale Kritik an den Koalitionsverhandlungen der SPD mit der CDU/CSU zur Bildung einer Großen Koalition und am „rassistischen Bullshit“ der CSU, wobei er riet, diesen als Anlass für den Abbruch der Koalitionsverhandlung zu nutzen» [Fonte]

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«Kevin Kühnert (1 luglio 1989 a Berlino Ovest) è un politico tedesco del SPD e dal 24 novembre 2017 è presidente dello Jusos. In precedenza ricopriva la carica di Vice Presidente

Kühnert è stato presidente di Jusos Berlin dal 2012 al 2015. Dal 2015 in poi, è stato vice presidente federale di Juso ed è stato responsabile della politica fiscale, della politica pensionistica, della politica strutturale, dell’estremismo di destra e della politica migratoria, nonché del lavoro sui social media. Il 24 novembre 2017, il Congresso federale di Saarbrücken lo ha eletto presidente dello Jusos con 225 voti su 297. ….

Dopo la sua elezione come presidente federale del partito Juso Kühnert si è pronunciato contro la formazione di una nuova Grande Coalizione (“#NoGroKo”). Durante i colloqui esplorativi sulla formazione di tale coalizione nel gennaio 2018, ha riaffermato la sua posizione e si è invece espresso a favore di un governo minoritario. Dopo il congresso del partito SPD a Bonn il 21 gennaio 2018, i Jusos hanno intensificato la loro campagna #NoGroko e hanno invitato i sostenitori a unirsi al SPD con il motto “Vieni, di loro no” per impedire alla Grande Coalizione di partecipare alle prossime elezioni primarie.

Il segretario generale di SPD, Lars Klingbeil, ha criticato l’azione di Juso:”Se ora dite, iscrivitevi: Per 10 euro, rimarrete membri per due mesi, voterete contro la Grande Coalizione e poi ve  andrete di nuovo’, il che non è come intendo il lavoro di partito. Ciò riduce anche il valore dell’affiliazione. Dovremmo chiarire che questo non è possibile”.

Kühnert, da parte sua, ha sottolineato che i Jusos volevano reclutare nuovi membri che si unissero al SPD per convinzione,”perché condividono i nostri valori di base”. Se poi questi membri seguiranno il nostro argomento per respingere la Grande Coalizione, non è disdicevole”.

Kühnert sostiene una polarizzazione tra i grandi partiti popolari, in modo che i populisti di destra non possano presentarsi come una presunta alternativa; cita la tassazione della ricchezza, un salario minimo più elevato e la lotta contro l’occupazione temporanea.

La decisione del glifosato nel cabinet Merkel era stata presa contro una chiara decisione del GroKo. In un’ intervista del dicembre 2017, riguardante una coalizione per la cooperazione (KoKo) discussa nell’Spd, ha detto: “Molte persone che non vogliono una grande coalizione hanno un senso molto fine quando cercano di venderle un modello alternativo,[…]”.

Il 1° febbraio 2018, in un’ intervista a Jan Böhmermann nel Neo Magazin Royale, ha criticato i negoziati di coalizione dell’Sdp con la CDU/CSU per formare una Grande coalizione e la “stronzata razzista” della CSU, suggerendo che dovrebbe essere utilizzata come un’ opportunità per interrompere i negoziati di coalizione.»

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Riassumendo.

In perfetto stile liberal socialista, Herr Kevin Kühnert si è comprato per 10 euro ciascuno 24,339 nuovi iscritti al partito, che voteranno di non accettare la Große Koalition.

Come si vede, i destini di 82 milioni di tedeschi sono stati valutati un po’ meno di 250,000 euro.

Se comprare i voti al mercato del pesce è il modello di democrazia tedesca, sinceramente ne facciamo volentieri a meno.


Jusos. 2018-02-08. Petition

Bei einer ersten Durchsicht des Koalitionsvertrages haben wir uns die drei vom Bonner Parteitag festgelegten Punkte, die konkret wirksame Verbesserungen gegenüber dem Sondierungspapier darstellen sollten, genauer angeschaut. Zwei davon – der Ausstieg aus der Zwei-Klassen-Medizin und eine weitergehende Härtefallregelung für Bürgerkriegsgeflüchtete – wurden klar nicht erreicht. Bei der Forderung zur Abschaffung der sachgrundlosen Befristung gibt es einen Kompromiss mit Licht und Schatten. Statt konkrete politische Leitlinien für eine mögliche Regierung festzulegen, verliert sich der Vertragsentwurf insgesamt in mehr als einhundert Prüfaufträgen und bleibt eher bei einem „Weiter so“. Anstatt die Top-Themen Digitalisierung oder Integration mit einem eigenen Ministerium aufzuwerten, bekommen wir nun ein Heimatministerium mit Orban-Freund Horst Seehofer an der Spitze.

Zum Personal: Dass die personelle Neuaufstellung zum Erneuerungsprozess der SPD dazugehören wird, war ja klar. Dass die Personalfrage jetzt dominiert und deshalb niemand mehr über Inhalte spricht – obwohl genau das jetzt angebracht wäre –, kann nicht unser Anspruch für das Mitgliedervotum sein. Die Debatte kommt damit wirklich zur Unzeit. Sie hätte sinnvollerweise erst nach Abschluss des Votums geführt werden müssen.

Kevin und der Bundesvorstand wird in den nächsten Tagen und Wochen in der ganzen Republik unterwegs sein und uns dutzenden Diskussionen stellen. Wir wollen mit SPD-Mitgliedern über den Koalitionsvertrag diskutieren und sie überzeugen, dass eine erneute Große Koalition nicht die beste aller Möglichkeiten ist. Dabei ist für uns klar: Wir drängend darauf, dass überall Pro und Contra zu Wort kommen. Denn das ist Voraussetzung für eine konstruktive Debatte.


Jusos. 2018-02-08. Groko or No Groko?

Berlin.

It happened in Bonn last Sunday, on January 21st. There were close to 650 delegates, the gallery in the congress hall was also packed with observers. The suspense was almost visible, also among the demonstrators outside. All over Germany millions were watching closely to see if the future path of the Social Democratic Party (SPD), Germany’s oldest political party, might be taking a new fork. Party representatives from all sixteen states moved towards a vote – for or against renewing the Grand Coalition (in German “Grosse Koalition”, shortened to GROKO) with their traditional adversaries but senior partners for the past four years, the “Union” – Angela Merkel’s right-center Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and its Bavarian offshoot, the Christian Social Union (CSU).

The speeches had lasted all day. SPD leader Martin Schulz urged a Yes vote; join with them! After four months since the September elections with no proper government and cabinet, only the old one hanging on as caretakers, Germany must at last be saved from political disintegration. Only two alternatives were available; an unprecedented minority government for Merkel’s Union (and she has already rejected such a rickety structure) or new elections. But the far right, fascistic wolves of the Alternative for Germany (AfD), already howling in the Bundestag with 94 seats, might very possibly win even more. His warning about them was the only point in his speech to get more than luke-warm applause, which is all he got at its end, a strong hint of the weakened position of the man who, one year ago, was welcomed so warmly – very briefly – as a new party savior, who had boldly pledged the SPD after the election to quit the coalition and become an active opposition party to Merkel & Co. and so regain its old-time strength. He has since swallowed those proud words.

The SPD certainly needs to regain strength! Four years of compromise under the pressures of the Merkel crowd, achieving little of value for the working people who traditionally supported the SPD, were punished with a measly 20.5 % of the vote, a loss of 5% in four years. The CDU and CSU lost even more, getting their worst results since 1949, but still led the field of seven parties with 34 %, while the SPD teeters on the edge of losing its position as major competitor and rival.

This explains why a surprising leftish resistance could swell up in the SPD during the one short week since the three party coalition negotiators presented their compromise agreement – and opposing it! The proposed four year government, they argued, with the Union always in a stronger position, would lose our SPD even more voters, it could push us out of the central court forever! It’s plain suicide! We must stay out, stand up for old-time principles, win back lost support, as Schulz had once demanded.

A few smaller state delegations risked opposition. But almost unanimous in condemning any move to join a new government and enjoy those warm, comfy Cabinet chairs was the independent young members’ annex to the party, the Jung Sozialisten – called Jusos – traditionally more militant and further to the left than the main party organization. It was their posters which had predominated all week – and now outside the congress hall: NO GROKO! And inside the hall their speeches outshone the loud but less convincing words of Martin Schulz. It was a division somewhat resembling current wing fights within the Democratic Party in the USA.

Taking the floor as last speaker before the vote was Andrea Nahles, who chairs the SPD caucus in the Bundestag. She was once a leader of the party’s left-wing, in fact, she was president of the Jusos – in 1995-1999. Years in the coalition, also as Minister of Labor, have mellowed her views considerably. But they have not depleted her oratorical skill! She blasted the present Juso leader and demanded a vote in favor of a coalition. She praised the skimpy points gained during the negotiations and promised to try for a few more in the direct coalition bargaining which must now follow: such as equally good medical care for patients with government–supported insurance as for those favored with private insurance; protection against uncontrolled job lay-offs; support in uniting split-up refugee families. But, she admitted, new gains would, at best, be very thin; the two Union parties, facing strong attacks from further right wing forces within and outside their own parties, rejected any new compromises. Nevertheless, she warned, there was no alternative to a Yes for GroKo!

The major union heads present, with their close ties to SPD leaders, nodded in agreement, as usual preferring the “lesser evil”. Fifty-odd party apparatchiks, like super delegates in the US Democratic Party, had been preaching around the country till they were hoarse: in favor. Opposing them were at most about 90 Juso delegates. The result seemed predictable, yet the suspense was almost intolerable.

The hand vote outcome was unclear so an exact count was necessary. To the huge relief of some, the great disappointment of others, the result was: Ja – 362, Nein – 279. One delegate abstained.

With this OK the three-party negotiations have now moved into forming a new government, framing, now definitely, an agreed-upon program and deciding who gets which Cabinet job. (Many wonder whether a modicum of decency after his once proud, now forgotten words will move Schulz to refrain from such a job.) All this will again take time; it is hoped it can be inked before the jolly Karneval days (like Mardi Gras) in mid-February, by ancient tradition a time when fools rule the day! Fools or not, by Easter the new government, after six months of haggling, should finally take over.

But halt! Between the fools’ parades and the Easter bunny comes Lent, a time of repentance and, even for secular SPD leaders, perhaps unwanted abstinence. By their own ruling there must first be a referendum; the entire 430,000-strong SPD membership must vote for approval or rejection. So another tense period of exhortation and recrimination lies ahead.

The mostly youthful NO GROKO forces have taken a tip from Jeremy Corbyn’s success in upsetting the hidebound and/or corrupt, Blair-faced forces in the British Labour Party; his supporters recruited thousands of new members who voted “for Jeremy” and have greatly enlivened that party ever since. In Germany, a Juso spot in Google to join the SPD (ten euros for the first two months) won 1700 new members within one day. The party leaders got worried; are they genuine Social Democrats – our kind? They may be able to set a cut-off date after which newbies could not vote.

Just a week before the SPD meeting in Bonn thousands of people joined in East Berlin, as every year, to march or walk to honor Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht at the handsome memorial site for them and many others who fought and sometimes died for a just world – more precisely, a socialist world. Many who placed a single red carnation at the site were the “old faithful” from GDR days, elderly, dwindling in number, but there were also young people from all Germany and neighboring countries, of many nationalities. Few if any were from the SPD; the thousands here supported either the LINKE or a panoply of groups and grouplets far and further to the left.

These were people with mostly skeptical views about the on-going SPD conflict. They recalled how Karl Liebknecht had to defy his SPD caucus pressure and – very much alone – vote against war credits for the Kaiser at the start of World War I; how Rosa and Karl went to prison for opposing the war as well as the Social Democrats who joined a government backing it to the bitter, bloody end. And how their hopes for a new, socialist Germany after that war were stymied by the Social Democratic Party which, at least passively, was complicit in the brutal murder of the two in January 1919, a date again being marked by those who still admire them. Though divided by political disagreements, both within and outside the LINKE party, almost certainly everyone taking part here saw that both sides in the planned GROKO approved German boots on the ground from Afghanistan to Mali and Estonia (and who knew where next?), plus a new, swift, powerful European military force led by Germany. They saw that the proudest accomplishment of the SPD in the past four years had been a new minimum wage in allegedly prosperous Germany: 8.84 euros (about $11), full of loopholes, and with no hike in taxes for the super-rich! And they saw the growing danger of the invigorated fascists who trumpeted hatred of foreigners, especially Muslims, but aimed at working people. Some CDU-CSU leaders were moving in the same direction! Could the Jusos with their NO GROKO – and could the LINKE with all other genuine antifascists – stop the rightward march? 2018 may well contain many days of suspense!


Reuters. 2018-01-13. No Grand Coalition! Opponents of Merkel alliance hit the road

Wernigerode, Germany (Reuters) – Opponents of a renewed German “grand coalition” took to the road on Saturday, hoping to persuade members of their Social Democratic Party (SPD) to vote against governing with Chancellor Angela Merkel’s conservatives for another four years.

*

The party’s rank-and-file, bruised after seeing the SPD’s previous stint as Merkel’s junior partner lead to its worst election result since 1933, is wary of its leaders’ calls for the party to step up for the sake of Germany’s stability.

Leaders of the SPD and the conservative camp thrashed out a 28-page blueprint for a possible “GroKo” grand coalition government this week, recommending that their parties hold formal coalition talks.

But at a regional party meeting in Wernigerode, a medieval town of half-timbered buildings at the foot of the thickly forested Harz hills, delegates wrestled with the issue which has split the party down the middle.

“Important demands that the SPD made ahead of the elections are simply not in the document,” said Kevin Kuehnert, leader of the SPD’s Jusos youth wing, who will spend the next week criss-crossing the country arguing for delegates to vote “No” to coalition talks at a special party congress next Saturday.

“We Jusos aren’t going to make ourselves the servants of a Black (conservative) government that demands deportations or a refugee camp,” said Florian Luedke, a local youth delegate wearing a “NoGroKo” badge, to applause.

Their message resonated at the regional party conference in Wernigerode, where delegates voted 52-51 against pursuing negotiations on a grand coalition. There were four abstentions, the SPD said.

The slump in the SPD vote in the Sept. 24 national election has left the membership in a contrary mood, with many calling for the party to reinvent itself in opposition rather than attempt to implement what they see as thin gruel in the coalition blueprint.

The document is sprinkled with pledges – on strengthening the European Union, on supporting refugees, on tax and pensions – designed to appeal to the more radical membership.

But most fall far short of what the SPD campaigned for in the election. A tax hike for the wealthy or the establishment of parity between private and public healthcare were absent from the document thrashed out with Merkel’s Christian Democrats (CDU) and her still more conservative Bavarian CSU allies.

“DAMNED LONELY”

The Jusos are angered particularly by the document containing an aspiration that migration not exceed 220,000 a year, dismissing it as an “asylum cap by another name”.

The SPD’s branch in North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany’s largest state, also opposes a repeat of the coalition. Hit by the decline in the heavy industry that had provided its traditional voter base, it was toppled in the regional government by Merkel’s CDU last year.

Even some senior party figures are not completely sold on the idea.

“There is a great deal of scepticism,” Manuela Schwesig, SPD state premier in the northeastern state of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, told NDR Info radio.

Across the country, voters have deserted the SPD for the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party or the Left party, formed from the ashes of the former East German Communist party.

Addressing the regional congress in Wernigerode, Social Democrat Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel urged delegates to resist the temptation to lick their wounds in opposition, urging them to use power to give people a reason to vote for them.

“If you never make compromises you’ll end up damned lonely, pretty quickly,” Gabriel said. Only in power can the SPD advance policies that would win it votes, he added.

He praised the deal’s commitment to strengthening the EU and tackling youth unemployment across the bloc, saying that in a world where U.S. President Donald Trump was an increasingly unreliable partner and China ever more powerful, social democracy was hard to achieve “by national means”.

On this, at least, the radical youth wing agreed with him.

“There was lots of social democracy in the first bit on Europe, but after that it stops,” Luebke said of the coalition blueprint. “Vote against the Grand Coalition, and look for ways to renew our party.”

 

Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Unione Europea

Merkel e Schulz si sono iscritti ad AfD, che schizza in alto.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2018-02-07.

2018-02-07__Merkel_Schulz_Proiezioni__001

«A poll published by INSA on Monday predicts that the Social Democrats and Christian Union would no longer be able to form a majority government, if elections were held now»

*

«The poll also puts the anti-Islam Alternative for Germany (AfD) party on 15 percent, just two percent behind the Social Democrats (SPD) on 17 percent»

*

«Merkel’s Christian Union (CDU/CSU) would win 30.5 percent of the vote»

*

«[AfD] entered the Bundestag for the first time in September after winning 12.6 percent of the vote»

*

«The leadership of the AfD rejects the label of far-right, preferring to describe themselves as conservative»

*

«The party has also been sharply criticized for its attitude to Islam, which it describes as “not belonging to Germany.”»

* * * * * * * *

Il fenomeno è semplice ed anche ben noto ai politologi.

AfD sta vistosamente crescendo nei consensi perché non sta facendo letteralmente nulla: ha coraggio e pazienza di stare ferma.

Frau Merkel ed Herr Schulz stanno faticosamente trattando la “coalition of losers“: non contenti di aver subito una cocente débâcle il 24 settembre, adesso vogliono terminare il lavoro con teutone precisione: distruggere i partiti che li hanno espressi.

E lo stanno facendo con tale solerzia da lasciare il fortissimo dubbio, per non dire certezza, che siano diventati supporter di Alternative für Deutschland. E più la denigrano e la insultano, più AfD cresce nei consensi e loro descrescono.

Intanto Mr Putin e Mr Xi se la stanno ghignando sotto i baffi: grazie a Frau Merkel ed Herr Schulz la Germania sta diventando una denominazione geografica.


Conservatives and Social Democrats agree on a new coalition deal: report

«According to the German Press Agency (DPA), reports in information from participants in the talks state that the coalition deal has been struck. Now it will be put to a vote of the membership of the SPD.»

*

La Germania, che tanto parla di ‘democrazia‘, fa dipendere la soluzione di governo dai voti degli iscritti all’Spd.

Ossia, 400,000 iscritti al partito Spd avranno la potestà di decidere per tutti i tedeschi.

Elezioni anticipate avrebbero potuto essere l’unica vera e genuina forma democratica: questa è la peggior specie di oligarchia.

Poi, perché Frau Merkel non interroga gli iscritti alla Cdu? Di cosa mai avrebbe paura?


The Local. 2018-02-06. Far-right AfD almost as popular as Social Democrats: poll

A poll published by INSA on Monday predicts that the Social Democrats and Christian Union would no longer be able to form a majority government, if elections were held now.

The poll also puts the anti-Islam Alternative for Germany (AfD) party on 15 percent, just two percent behind the Social Democrats (SPD) on 17 percent. Merkel’s Christian Union (CDU/CSU) would win 30.5 percent of the vote, the poll predicts.

As the CDU/CSU enter the final stages of trying to thrash out a new deal for a grand coalition government with the SPD, the poll makes worrying reading for the main parties. Their proposed government has already been dubbed a “coalition of losers” due to the fact that both parties leaked millions of votes at the ballot box in September’s national election. The SPD’s vote share of 20.5 percent was their worst result since the Second World War.

The popularity of the far-right AfD has been creeping up in recent weeks, with several polls putting them on 14 percent or above.

They entered the Bundestag for the first time in September after winning 12.6 percent of the vote. The party was set up in 2013 and fought the election of that year on an anti-Euro platform, but failed to make it over the 5 percent hurdle needed to make it into parliament.

Last year they ran a campaign fiercely critical of the government’s refugee policy, which had led to over a million people applying for asylum in Germany since 2015.

The leadership of the AfD rejects the label of far-right, preferring to describe themselves as conservative. However, they remain highly controversial due to various statements by senior party members which have challenged a political consensus concerning how Germany treats its Nazi past.

Björn Höcke, the AfD leader in Thuringia, has lambasted Germany’s culture of remembrance of the Holocaust, labelling the Holocaust Memorial in central Berlin a “memorial of shame.”

Party leader Alexander Gauland, meanwhile, said during election campaigning last year that Germany should be proud of the service of its soldiers in two world wars.

The party has also been sharply criticized for its attitude to Islam, which it describes as “not belonging to Germany.” There are roughly 4.7 million Muslims in the Bundesrepublik, making up 5 percent of the population.

Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Unione Europea

Merkel e Schulz. Clima al diavolo, ma sul resto disaccordo.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2018-01-05.

Merkel Schulz 001

Attenzione!!

Questo articolo è altamente scorretto. Contiene affermazioni crude che potrebbero sconvolgere E risultare fastidiose a liberal e statalisti. È destinato ad un pubblico adulto e coriaceo. Un corso propedeutico in renziologia sarebbe auspicabile.


Stanno proseguendo pigramente i sondaggi volti ad appurare se potessero esserci delle possibilità di intraprendere eventuali colloqui preliminari per iniziare delle provvisorie consultazioni per appurare se iniziare o meno trattative per cercare di arrivare ad una possibile riedizione della Große Koalition.

La gravidanza dura 14 mesi nei dromedari, 15 mesi nei trichechi e nelle giraffe, 18 mesi per le orche, 19 mesi nei rinoceronti, 22 mesi per gli elefanti.

Gli elefanti hanno una così lunga gestazione a causata da una lunga fase luteale [Lueders et Al. Proceedings Royal Society B].

Il tempo di gestazione di una Große Koalition potrebbe protrarsi fino a 48 mesi, termine al quale si abortisce per procedere a nuove elezioni, sempre poi che in Germania si torni a votare.

Il problema risiede nella presenza di decine di corpi lutei eurosecernenti, sulla cui ripartizione, un po’ a me, un po’ a te e niente alla Germania, rende difficile la gravidanza della Große Koalition.

Cdu, Csu ed Spd sono perfettamente di accordo sul fatto di non essere per nulla di accordo.

Solo di una cosa si sono trovati perfettamente in sintonia.

German coalition hopefuls drop climate goals

«Preliminary grand coalition talks have just restarted, but already, the parties involved have given up the 2020 climate goals. It’s a disaster for climate protection policy ….

cancellation of the climate goals for 2020 by a possible future new government ….

both Chancellor Angela Merkel and SPD leader Martin Schulz promised to somehow meet the emission reduction targets of 40 percent by 2020 ….

Germany has managed about 30 percent already, but time is short and it seems more of an effort would have been required to meet the target by 2020 ….

The potential new government doesn’t seem to trust itself to reach that goal ….

at least they are honest in recognizing that they can’t meet the target.»

Tradotto dal politichese politicamente coretto in un linguaggio capibile da parte di tutti, si devono tagliare i fondi destinati al clima per ottenere un gruzzoletto da ripartire tra Csu, Cdu ed Spd: non si sa mai. Questa potrebbe essere l’ultima Große Koalition della storia, poi, tutti a casa in attesa di essere portati in tribunale a rispondere di quanto fatto.

*

Ma il diavolo si cela nei particolari. Queste sono le proiezioni pubblicate giusto oggi:

2018-02-05__Merkel__001

La Union perde due punti percentuali e mezzo, l’Spd sprofonda al 17%, AfD cresce al 15% ed Fdp sale al 10%. Se Union ed Spd credono di essere degli impuniti si sbagliano. Devono pagare tutto il ‘clima’ che ci hanno propinato.

«Chancellor Angela Merkel said Germany’s top parties still had “big obstacles” to surmount before reaching a new coalition deal»

*

«The veteran leader, who is battling to form a new government to salvage her political future»

*

«above all to working toward renewal of the European Union»

*

«broad agreement on the fundamentals of European policy»

*

«The negotiations are not just about a coalition,

but also their careers»

*

In sintesi.

Spd ed Unione hanno rinnegatp sé stesse.

Che te importa della Germania?

Nota.

Siamo arrivati al 5 febbraio. Questo è il titolo sconsolato di Bloomberg.

Merkel, SPD Push Ahead in Government Talks After Missed Deadline

«More than four months after her CDU-led bloc won an inconclusive national election, Merkel remains at the helm as acting chancellor. After serving as Merkel’s junior partner for eight of her 12 years in office, many SPD members blame the last four years with her for the party’s electoral decline.

Any coalition pact will be put to a vote by the SPD’s more than 440,000 members. A rejection would force Merkel to consider governing without a stable parliamentary majority or put Germany on track for another election, which polls suggest would turn out largely like the last one in September.

After a breakthrough last week on refugee policy, two key SPD demands remain on the table: curbing the use of temporary work contracts, and overhauling the national health-care system to prevent doctors from billing higher fees for privately insured patients. The CDU and its Bavaria-based CSU sister party have balked at both.»


The Local. 2018-01-11. Merkel warns of ‘big obstacles’ as coalition talks come down to crunch

Chancellor Angela Merkel said Germany’s top parties still had “big obstacles” to surmount before reaching a new coalition deal, ahead of a last-ditch round of negotiations Thursday.

The veteran leader, who is battling to form a new government to salvage her political future, warned it would be a “tough day” of talks, which were expected to stretch well into the night.

She said her conservative Christian Democrats would “work constructively to find the necessary compromises but we are also aware that we need to execute the right policies for our country”.

September’s inconclusive elections left Merkel without a majority and struggling to find partners to govern Europe’s biggest economy.

After her earlier attempt at forging a coalition with two smaller parties collapsed, she is now pinning her hopes on renewing an alliance with the Social Democrats (SPD).

SPD leader Martin Schulz also spoke of “big obstacles” as he arrived for the final day of preliminary talks on whether there is enough common ground to move on to formal coalition negotiations.

He said his party wanted to ensure that the new government committed “above all to working toward renewal of the European Union”.

However, he sounded a more upbeat note than Merkel, saying there was “broad agreement on the fundamentals of European policy”.

The chancellor badly needs the talks to succeed, as do Schulz and the leader of her Bavarian allies, Horst Seehofer, said political analyst Karl-Rudolf Korte of Duisburg-Essen University.

“The negotiations are not just about a coalition, but also their careers.

It would be the end for all three if this coalition does not come about,” he told public broadcaster ZDF.

Far-right threat

Late on Thursday the parties are due to declare if they will push on with efforts to forge a new government by around March or April.

Along the way, negotiators need to compromise on policy differences — the SPD is seeking welfare gains while the conservatives are pushing for tax cuts as Germany’s public coffers bulge.

As the clock ticks into a fourth month of political paralysis in Germany, Berlin’s biggest EU partner France waded in, with its Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire on Wednesday echoing the SPD’s demand for greater investments from Berlin.

Beyond fiscal and spending issues, the parties are struggling to fend off the encroaching far-right, which has seized on anger over the influx of refugees and netted a record showing at the polls in September.

To halt a haemorrhage to the far-right, Merkel’s alliance wants a tougher stance on immigration, something that is hard to sell to the centre-left SPD.

Even if negotiators find a deal, it can still be torpedoed when SPD delegates and later rank-and-file members get to vote on whether the traditional labour party should once again govern in Merkel’s shadow.

‘Scepticism justified’

SPD vice chairman Ralf Stegner underlined the great uncertainty about a possible deal, tweeting that “scepticism was, is and remains justified”.

The SPD’s youth wing chief Kevin Kuehnert is also energetically running a resistance campaign against any agreement with the conservatives.

“I am very optimistic for the party congress: we can still stop the grand coalition,” Kuehnert told Spiegel weekly.

The SPD’s youth movement leader believes that governing for another four years under Merkel would deal a death blow to the Social Democrats, who were slapped with a historic low score in September’s elections.

Instead, Kuehnert favours the option of a minority government led by Merkel, even though her conservatives have rejected that option as too unstable.

Latest opinion polls suggest that a potential new grand coalition enjoys little favour with Germans.

A survey published by Focus magazine found that 34 percent of Germans prefer new elections, while only 30 percent favoured a return of the conservative-SPD alliance.

Another poll published by public broadcaster ARD found that only 45 percent of Germans view a new grand coalition positively, while 52 percent considered it a bad option.

And a third survey, for business paper Handelsblatt, showed that a majority – 56 percent – believed Merkel would not see out her four-year term.

Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Unione Europea

Germania. Stallo al quinto mese di colloqui inconcludenti.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2018-02-04.

Fallimento chiuso-per-fallimento

«Dum Romae consulitur, Saguntum expugnatur»


Il problema politico sarebbe molto semplice se la soluzione non fosse ostacolata da questioni personali ed ideologiche.

Le elezioni del 24 settembre avevano sancito alcuni importanti risultati:

– Crollo dei voti alla Große Koalition: gli Elettori non ne condividono più i valori propugnati;

– Forte crescita dell’ Fdp ed irruento avvento di AfD.

Questi risultati avrebbero suggerito la coalizione desiderata dal popolo tedesco: un governo formato dalla Union, con Fdp ed AfD, che ne avrebbe avuto tutti i numeri. L’esempio austriaco del Cancelliere Kurz avrebbe dovuto pur insegnare qualcosa.

A questo punto sono intervenuti i fattori di idiosincrasie personali ed ideologiche.

I socialdemocratici non avrebbero gradito la riedizione di un’altra Große Koalition. Il motivo sembrerebbe essere semplice. La dirigenza imputa il crollo elettorale all’essersi distaccati troppo dall’ideologia socialista, fatto questo confermato dalle votazioni interne al partito. Si è evidenziata in seno all’Spd una frattura dicotomica severa: accanto a quanti erano rimasti aderenti alle antiche linee guida del partito si era sviluppata un’ala che non si riconosceva più negli antichi valori, pur non essendo ancora in grado di definire quali fossero i propri obiettivi. Queste due componenti sono quasi equivalenti: grosso modo, corrispondono ciascuna ad un 9% dell’elettorato federale. Se conviventi, non riescono a trovare una ragionevole equilibrio programmatico, se separate risulterebbero essere ininfluenti sul quadro politico nazionale. Da ultimo, ma non certo per ultimo, si pone il problema di Herr Schulz. Abbandonato il parlamento europeo, era tornato in patria ed aveva immediatamente silurato Herr Gabriel, proponendosi come il leader che avrebbe portato l’Spd alla vittoria. Ha racimolato invece un po’ più del 20% dell’elettorato, ma ben se ne è guardato dal dare le dimissioni.

La Union, ossia Cdu e Csu, è stata anche essa severamente ridimensionata dagli Elettori, che ne hanno così bocciato la linea politica pregressa. Onestà politica avrebbe imposto a Frau Merkel le dimissioni, ma così non è stato. L’Union è di fatto spezzata anch’essa in due fazioni opposte, tenute assieme solo dalla figura della Merkel, cui non si è ancora trovato successore. Csu e molti della Cdu gradirebbero una sostanziale inversione di rotta su tutti i punti qualificanti per Frau Angela Merkel: dalla politica internazionale, alla gestione del mercato del lavoro e dei capitali, all’immigrazione, all’abbandono delle crociate etiche. Frau Merkel è troppo ideologizzata, troppo intimamente liberal, per anche solo prendere in considerazione un governo con Fdp ed AfD: ha tentato l’operazione Jamaica, crollata sia sulle sue remore (deve cercare di salvare la faccia) sia su quelle di una dirigenza dei Grüne che non a caso è stata poi defenestrata e sostituita. Furono trattative tra sordi avulsi completamente dalla realtà dei fatti.

*

Al momento attuale, al di là di risultati preliminari sbandierati a destra e manca, le posizione dell’Union e dell’Spd sono semplicemente antitetiche. L’Spd vorrebbe imporre punti programmatici di un vetero – paleo socialismo oramai disperso nella storia, l’Union non può concepire un sostanziale mutamento di rotta politica, che screditerebbe in modo definitivo Frau Merkel.

*

Nelle more dell’attesa che queste interminabili discussioni portino ad una qualche conclusione, i sondaggi elettorali evidenziano chiaramente come l’Spd prosegua il suo fatale declino.

Benediciamo l’Onnipotente che ci ha regalato Merkel e Schulz.

Non solo.

Ma a breve si terranno le elezioni nei Länder dell’Assia e della Baviera, ove le prospezioni più recenti indicano una sconfitta storica della Csu e della Cdu, con quasi scomparsa dell’Spd.

Saranno elezioni salutari.


Deutsche Welle. 2018-02-02. Germany’s Angela Merkel says ‘serious differences’ remain in coalition talks

The German chancellor has signaled her party’s “good will” to overcome differences in coalition talks. The SPD wants to expand labor and health care rights, but Merkel’s conservatives view the measures as costly.

*

German Chancellor Angela Merkel on Friday said there “is still a whole range of very serious differences” that must be overcome before forming a new government.

Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the Bavarian Christian Social Union (CSU) and the Social Democratic Party (SPD) are locked in talks aimed at creating a “grand coalition” government after last year’s inconclusive general election.

“I hope we will succeed but the problems are, as I said, not yet resolved,” Merkel said. “We have good will to overcome them, but there is still a lot of work ahead of us.”

Differences on labor

One of the differences concerns labor policy. The SPD is seeking to expand labor rights by giving employees the right to move between full-time and part-time work in the event they must care for children or elderly parents.

However, the CDU and CSU have expressed reservations, saying it would be a costly measure.

SPD leader Martin Schulz said he would not allow a Sunday deadline to pressure him into accepting a hasty agreement that doesn’t advance his party’s agenda.

“Thoroughness must come before speed,” said Schulz.

The center-left party is hoping to make significant gains during negotiations in a bid to satisfy its voter base amid declining support.

Bridging health care gap

Horst Seehofer, who leads the CSU, the CDU’s Bavarian sister party, said health insurance continues to divide the SPD and conservatives.

The SPD wants to close the gap between public and private health care access, saying the differences between policies should be minimized.

What the parties agreed on Friday

– A yearly limit of between 180,000 to 220,000 migrants per year

– Creation of 15,000 new police jobs split between the federal government and the 16 states

– Ability to revoke German citizenship for people with dual nationality who are convicted of terrorism abroad

– More money for clinics and doctors in rural areas

– Expansion of Germany’s charging infrastructure for electric cars

– Gradual abolition of the air traffic tax

– More financial aid for families with children

‘Convinced’

Seehofer expressed optimism at the prospect of a new government formed by the three parties.

“I am convinced that we will manage to do it in the coming days,” Seehofer said.

The CDU, CSU and SPD are set to resume talks on Saturday with an eye to concluding negotiations by Sunday.

The parties’ leaders have agreed to a two-day grace period in the event they have yet to overcome key differences.

Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Unione Europea

EU. L’ultima carognata dei socialisti. Spitzenkandidaten nel PE.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2018-01-31.

Germany's Chancellor Merkel arrives at an EU-Turkey summit in Brussels
Germany’s Chancellor Angela Merkel arrives at an EU-Turkey summit in Brussels, as the bloc is looking to Ankara to help it curb the influx of refugees and migrants flowing into Europe, March 7, 2016. REUTERS/Francois Lenoir TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY

«Spitzenkandidat literally means top candidate or party list leader. The German word entered the European Union lexicon in 2013 after the centre left Party of European Socialists committed itself to naming a Spitzenkandidat for the next EU parliamentary elections. The Spitzenkandidat would then become the party’s choice for the EU’s most high-profile job – European Commission president. The PES has argued that picking a Spitzenkandidat would democratise the process of selecting the commission president. But the concept only gained momentum in December 2013 when the centre right European People’s Party decided to do the same, despite the objections of some of its high profile leaders, including German Chancellor Angela Merkel. » [Financial Times]

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«The 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections introduced a novel procedure to elect the President of the European Commission: the so-called Spitzenkandidaten, i.e. pan-European lead candidates nominated by the European political parties. The two main purposes behind this innovation were to mobilise the electorate and to strengthen the EP. The first use of the Spitzenkandidaten model established a new modus operandi of the EP at the expense of the European Council, which now has to appoint the lead candidate whose party won most seats in the European elections. However, it also contributed to polarising citizens’ attitudes towards the EU and did not overcome the tendency to compete in European elections on purely national issues. Future adjustments of the Spitzenkandidaten procedure should aim to improve the EU’s responsiveness and make the elections more European. Introducing primaries for the nominations of the Spitzenkandidaten could be a first step, eventually leading to the direct election of the Commission President.» [Fonte]

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Time for the Spitzenkandidat to die

«The EU needs a more democratic way to choose its leaders. ….

It is less than two years to the start of the next round of Brussels’ favorite contest: determining who gets the European Union’s top jobs. And already some wannabe successors to European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker are floating up candidate kites.

For once, there are some more than competent possibilities in the existing Commission. But the current so-called Spitzenkandidat system makes the election of the medieval-era Holy Roman Emperor seem transparent and democratic. It needs to be reformed. Failure to do so would play into the hands of Euroskeptics everywhere.»


Diamo voce ad un vecchio articolo comparso sul The Guardian del giugno 2014.

The EU’s ‘democratic’ system that elected a president nobody wants

Come fare a far eleggere Mr Juncker che era popolare come la scabbia?

«Outside of Luxembourg, it is difficult to find anyone in the EU elite who believes Juncker is the right person at the right time for Europe. “He’s the wrong answer to the wrong question,” said a senior EU diplomat.»

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«Jean-Claude Juncker had been nominated by 26 votes to 2. »

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«To understand Juncker’s improbable rise, it is necessary to go back to the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. The former Luxembourg prime minister landed the job by an overwhelming majority because national leaders sleepwalked into a trap laid by federalist schemers in the European parliament and could not summon the will to do anything about it, just as they appear to have overlooked reading the fine print of the legal text that governs Europe»

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«It’s done a lot of damage»

*

«Last month’s ballot was the first under the new rules, which stipulate that the leaders have to make their nomination in the light of the election results. The parliament must endorse the nominee by an absolute majority of seats»

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«It was Martin Schulz, the German social democrat and parliamentary speaker, who forced the issue last year. He gained the support of Europe’s centre-left leaders, except for Britain’s Labour party, led the social democrats’ election campaign and became their contender for commission head if they won the election.»

*

«Van Rompuy argued that putting up candidates for the commission in the elections was meaningless because a leftist in Portugal would not vote for a German green and a Polish conservative would not vote for a Luxembourger»

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«naming the candidates severely restricted the field, discouraged a higher calibre of senior politician from running because they did not want to risk forfeiting their domestic careers and then not get the job»

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Questa è la posizione del gruppo Visegrad.

V4 Statement on the Future of Europe 

«According to the June 2014 European Council conclusions we should further consider the process for the appointment of the President of the European Commission. When addressing the key institutional issues of the EU in February, in particular the Spitzenkandidaten mechanism the results of our debates must be in full compliance with the Treaties and should not undermine the current balance between the EU institutions and among the Member States. From this perspective we disagree with the establishment of a transnational list. We are convinced that the number of seats in the European Parliament needs to be reduced. As encompassed by the Treaties, the democratic control of Member States over legislative and political processes of the EU should follow the principle of subsidiarity»

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Lo Spitzenkandidat system sembrerebbe essere tutto fuorché lecitamente democratico.

Che poi serva agli eurocrati a nominare chiunque vogliano, questo è un altro paio di maniche. Anche Caligola nominò senatore il proprio cavallo.


Nota Tecnica.

Nel parlamento Europeo, il numero minimo di deputati richiesto per costituire un gruppo politico è fissato in 25 deputati, provenienti da almeno un quarto degli stati membri (attualmente 7). Coloro che non appartengono a nessun gruppo politico si collocano tra i non iscritti. Un deputato non può aderire a più gruppi politici.



EUobserver. 2018-01-28. Visegrad Four oppose transnational lists for EP

The Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Poland, known as the Visegrad Four, “disagree with the establishment of a transnational list” for the European Parliament elections, they said in a statement Friday. Transnational lists would be single party lists for which citizens could vote from different member states. The V4 countries also oppose the ‘Spitzenkandidat’ system of the winning European political party’s main candidate becoming the EU Commission president.


The Guardian. 2014-06-27. The EU’s ‘democratic’ system that elected a president nobody wants

It was a glorious summer evening in Scandinavia bathed in eternal light. Over dinner prepared by a top TV chef, a prime minister divulged his thoughts about European politics. “I’m a bit worried that the European parliament seems to be getting all these new powers,” he said. The year was 2009, the EU’s Lisbon Treaty was just about to come into force. The prime minister’s admission was surprising because it was his and the other governments of the EU that had written the treaty, not the parliament or any other EU institution.

“We know that the parliament gets more powers, but why did your governments do that? Didn’t you read the treaty?” the prime minister was asked. He gave no answer.

Fast forward five years and another meal, this time in Brussels. Over gazpacho, turbot with chervil, and chocolate and apricot pastries, the result was announced of the issue that has given European leaders indigestion for weeks. Jean-Claude Juncker had been nominated by 26 votes to 2. David Cameron bristled and demanded a show of hands. Just for the record. The English Channel suddenly widened.

There is a distinct line of cause and effect from the Scandinavian restaurant to the Brussels luncheon.

Outside of Luxembourg, it is difficult to find anyone in the EU elite who believes Juncker is the right person at the right time for Europe. “He’s the wrong answer to the wrong question,” said a senior EU diplomat.

To understand Juncker’s improbable rise, it is necessary to go back to the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. The former Luxembourg prime minister landed the job by an overwhelming majority because national leaders sleepwalked into a trap laid by federalist schemers in the European parliament and could not summon the will to do anything about it, just as they appear to have overlooked reading the fine print of the legal text that governs Europe.

A catalogue of complacency, negligence, miscalculation and manoeuvring by national leaders over the past nine months conspired to deliver an outcome no one really wanted – Jean-Claude Juncker, Europe’s accidental president.

Arguments about Juncker’s suitability only took place after the horse had bolted, too late to reverse the momentum supplied by last month’s European elections.

“The leaders individually and collectively didn’t quite understand what this was about,” said the diplomat. “But in the parliament they were devoted to this and they have more time to deal with it.”

Another senior official in Brussels said: “We are at the point of no return. It’s done a lot of damage. Now it’s about damage limitation.”

This sorry tale of mismanagement and ineptitude by Europe’s national governments over the past year has saddled the EU with a powerful executive chief for the next five years whom many of them think is not fit for purpose. “The question is, will he be able to manage a large, complex bureaucracy in the 21st century,” said another senior EU official, reflecting widespread worries about his management credentials.

David Cameron is taking a lot of the blame. His uncompromising public campaign to destroy Juncker might have had heads nodding privately in agreement. But his indirect threats to quit the EU if he lost were perceived as bullying and blackmail, turning the commission president contest into a counter-productive zero sum game – support Cameron or Juncker.

Cameron was not alone in his miscalculation. There is enough blame to go round. The fight over Juncker feature double-crossing, broken promises, manipulative spinning, and leaders pirouetting in 180-degree U-turns within days.Juncker’s ascendancy has its roots a decade back in the Convention on Europe that prepared the EU’s doomed constitution, felled in 2005, but resurrected by the Germans in 2007 in the form of the Lisbon Treaty that came into force at the end of 2009.

Influential federalists in the European parliament such as Elmar Brok or Klaus Welle, both German Christian Democrats, the latter the invisible but powerful parliament general-secretary, were determined to dilute the prerogative of the national leaders to decide who heads the commission, the EU’s executive. They pushed for a more “democratic” option, making the choice of commission president turn on the result of European elections.

“If it’s not Juncker, we have a big crisis,” Brok told The Guardian. “No one else will get through the parliament. Who else can get a parliamentary majority?”

Last month’s ballot was the first under the new rules, which stipulate that the leaders have to make their nomination in the light of the election results. The parliament must endorse the nominee by an absolute majority of seats (a session is tentatively scheduled for 16 or 17 July).

It was Martin Schulz, the German social democrat and parliamentary speaker, who forced the issue last year. He gained the support of Europe’s centre-left leaders, except for Britain’s Labour party, led the social democrats’ election campaign and became their contender for commission head if they won the election.

The argument was that this was a fairer, more democratic, more transparent way of “electing” a commission chief, empowering Europe’s voters. “It was me who started it. But it was followed by many others,” Schulz told the Guardian over a recent lunch. “We’re in a moment of deepening democratic and parliamentarian structures. It’s not about reducing the power of heads of government. It’s about bringing more clarity and transparency. I want to bring this through. This is my personal ambition.”

Schulz’s gambit last year had a snowball effect. Liberals, greens and the hard left in the parliament followed suit and selected election campaign leaders who were also their contenders for the commission post. National leaders were caught napping. They continued dozing.

The momentum created by Schulz put Angela Merkel in a tight spot. Her Christian Democrats lead the parliament’s European People’s party, the biggest caucus. They were now under pressure to follow Schulz’s lead for fear of appearing undemocratic.

The euro crisis brought Merkel to the fore as unarguably the most powerful politician in Europe. Her approach throughout was to sideline the European institutions and preserve the crisis management as the remit of national governments. She was not about to surrender those same national powers over who should head the commission.

But she was forced to. In March she went to an EPP congress in Dublin and supported the nomination of Juncker through gritted teeth against his rival, Michel Barnier of France. She went further than merely backing Juncker, actively lobbying other centre-right leaders such as Spain’s Mariano Rajoy to support the Luxembourger.

The reason was that, while Cameron was gearing up for his aggressive Stop Juncker campaign, Merkel’s priority became increasingly to stop Schulz, believing that having a social democrat at the top of the commission would imperil her euro crisis austerity and structural reform prescriptions. Merkel did not particularly want Juncker. But she wanted Schulz a lot less. Herman Van Rompuy, the EU summit’s chairman, whose lot it was to sort out a situation getting messier and more volatile by the day, was also an ardent opponent of Juncker and of parliamentary primacy in the contest.

Van Rompuy argued that putting up candidates for the commission in the elections was meaningless because a leftist in Portugal would not vote for a German green and a Polish conservative would not vote for a Luxembourger. Besides, naming the candidates severely restricted the field, discouraged a higher calibre of senior politician from running because they did not want to risk forfeiting their domestic careers and then not get the job.

With Berlin dominating the dispute and Cameron baying increasingly loudly from the sidelines, it is perhaps one measure of Germany’s new pre-eminence in Europe that the entire fiasco acquired a German term – Spitzenkandidaten or frontrunners.

When the EPP or Christian democrats emerged as the election victors with 221 of 751 seats, 30 ahead of the social democrats and well down on 2009, national leaders began to panic at the realisation they were stuck with Juncker.

On May 27 two days after the election, the leaders dined in Brussels to chew over their predicament. Van Rompuy was told to fix it. Merkel suppressed demands for an immediate vote on the Juncker nomination, playing for time. Cameron rolled out his big weapon – if Juncker gets it, Britain might well quit the EU. The shock-and-awe tactics did not work.

But at a midnight press conference in Brussels, Merkel hummed and hawed, suggested it might not be Juncker and triggered the most hostile grilling from the German media she has ever encountered at an EU summit. TV reporters stood up to accuse her of breaking her promises to German voters, of betrayal, of double-dealing. Merkel appeared nonplussed, struggling to reconcile her positions as leader of the Christian Democrats with that of leader of the most important EU country.

“If she said no to Juncker, she would have been in the same position as Cameron in London,” said Brok. “And her big problem is that she would be accused of election betrayal.”

Over the next 10 days the leaders were all over the place. Mark Rutte of the Netherlands backed Cameron, then he did not, voiced his opposition to Spitzenkandidaten in principle, then conceded Juncker might get it after all.

At the same Brussels press conference, Merkel said she would not be rushed into a decision, there was plenty of time. A week later a leaked Dutch diplomatic cable had her demanding a very quick decision, that she had made her mind up that it would be Juncker.

Van Rompuy’s people whispered that Juncker would do everyone a favour by falling on his sword, he would “voluntarily withdraw”. A week later the same people were confirming that Van Rompuy had concluded there was no alternative to Juncker.

Merkel, meanwhile, had to resolve her biggest problem – what to do about Schulz. The former Aachen bookseller, buoyed by his triumph in setting a fait accompli before Europe’s elected leaders, neither looked nor sounded like a man who had just lost a European election.

It was a double-act with Juncker. The Luxembourger had offered him the plum post of vice-president of the commission, Schulz told the Guardian. That meant Schulz had to be Germany’s EU commissioner, a step too far for Merkel.

In Berlin she cut a deal with her coalition partner, Sigmar Gabriel, the SPD leader. Juncker got a green light for the commission job, but Schulz would need to be bought off by remaining parliament chief for 30 months. Gabriel agreed, while declaring “it has to be a Juncker-Schulz axis”.

Cameron appeared chastened, felt betrayed by Berlin. If his campaign was driven by internal Conservative party politics, he was out-manoeuvred by the exigencies of German domestic politics and Merkel’s ruthlessness. He’s not the only loser in a battle with few winners.

“There’s a lot of discomfort now in the European council about being landed in this,” said one of the senior diplomats. “But it’s too late to do anything about it.”

Pubblicato in: Armamenti, Devoluzione socialismo, Unione Europea

Merkel. Liberal al diavolo. Pecunia non olet.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2018-01-25.

2018-01-25__Merkel_Armi__001

Comme d’habitude, il titolo del Deutsche Welle riporta una mezza verità.

Germany’s cabinet approved record-breaking arms exports.

Fatto vero ed incontestabile, ma riportato in modo non completo.

«Germany’s current government has approved massive arms exports to countries in conflict areas … to dictatorships»

Sono due cose totalmente differenti.

I dittatori sanguinari che pagano bene le armi con le quali reggersi al potere sono benefattori dell’umanità, intendendo ovviamente per ‘umanità‘ Frau Merkel, Herr Schulz e loro sodali.

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È anche vero che i tedeschi esportano bare cingolate.

Siria, Leopard 2 decimati dall’ISIS: la Turchia dimentica la Storia e riceve una dura lezione

Erdogan fa la guerra ai curdi con i carri armati venduti dalla Germania: polemica

Focus: i politici tedeschi sono indignati per i carri armati americani in Germania

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«Germany’s current government has approved massive arms exports to countries in conflict areas, according to a new report»

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«Angela Merkel’s government has approved over €25.1 billion ($30.9 billion) worth of weapons sales since taking power in 2014»

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«This puts the current administration, a coalition of Merkel’s center-right Christian Democrats (CDU) and the center-left Social Democrats (SPD), above any other German government in modern history»

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«Ahead of the 2013 coalition agreement, the SPD had pledged to impose strict rules on exporting weapons»

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«it was “unbelievable” that Germany would deliver weapons to dictatorships»

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«The top-ten list also features three Middle Eastern nations involved in the Yemen conflict – Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates»

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Alcune considerazione diventano a questo punto mandatorie.

– Per anni la Germania è andata predicando quanto fosse disetico ed immorale fornire armamenti a paesi in guerra: aveva fatto il sermone a destra e manca, ergendosi a giudice severo morale.

– La Große Koalition aveva più volte fatto approvare al Bundestag mozioni di fuoco contro i venditori di armi, che aveva etichettato con termini alieni all’usuale linguaggio diplomatico.

– Adesso, per raccattare 31 miserabili miliardi di dollari, vende di tutto a paesi belligeranti. E questo sarebbe ancora il meno.

– Vende armamenti a paesi “dictatorships“: ossia a regimi dittatoriali che ignorano cosa sia la umana pietas. Ma vendendo loro armamenti, ed in dovizia, altro non fa che sostenere proprio quei regimi dittatoriali che a parole dice di combattere.

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Ma la cosa più scandalosa di tutte è che questa decisione non è stata presa da un governo lecitamente eletto.

Frau Merkel è in regime di prorogatio, ossia per le leggi tedesche potrebbe gestire solo la ordinaria amministrazione: e sicuramente la vendita di tali quantità di armamenti esula di gran lunga dall’ordinaria amministrazione.

Non solo.

Leggi e procedure avrebbero imposto un passaggio parlamentare: mentre invece, quella che il Deutsche Welle pudicamente denomina “current administration” ha deciso in modo autonomo, alla chetichella.

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Nessuno intende usare parole forti e dure senza un adeguato motivo.

Tuttavia questa situazione richiederebbe invero parole dure, durissime.


Deutsche Welle. 2018-01-24. Germany’s cabinet approved record-breaking arms exports

Germany’s current government has approved massive arms exports to countries in conflict areas, according to a new report. The CDU-SPD cabinet also set new records for selling weapons, despite pledges to reduce it.

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Angela Merkel’s government has approved over €25.1 billion ($30.9 billion) worth of weapons sales since taking power in 2014.

This puts the current administration, a coalition of Merkel’s center-right Christian Democrats (CDU) and the center-left Social Democrats (SPD), above any other German government in modern history, public broadcaster ARD reported on Tuesday.

The most drastic change comes in exports to nations outside EU and NATO – Berlin approved €14.48 billion in arms between 2014 and 2017. This marks a 47 percent increase compared to the 2010-2013 cabinet, which was also run by Merkel.

Ahead of the 2013 coalition agreement, the SPD had pledged to impose strict rules on exporting weapons. The deal also placed the SPD’s Sigmar Gabriel at the head of Germany’s economy ministry, giving him key oversight of the exports.

Left accuses the cabinet of ‘moral decay’

Germany’s ARD said their report was based on data provided by the economy ministry, following an inquiry by the Left party. The broadcaster said the data was preliminary and that the numbers could still rise.

“Four years ago, the SPD promised to turn away from export policy that was purely based on economy,” Stefan Liebich from the Left party told ARD. “In reality, the floodgates were not closed, but opened even wider.”

The Left’s parliamentary leader Dietmar Bartsch went a step further on Wednesday, saying it was “unbelievable” that Germany would deliver weapons to dictatorships.

“The numbers that have now been published show that there also a measure of moral decay which I have not thought possible,” Bartsch said, describing the exports as a “total failure” of the ruling coalition.

The leftist politician also said Germany’s weapons deliveries to Turkey needed to “stop right away.”

Germany’s Greens also bluntly criticized the government, describing their failure to rein in arms exports as a “statement of bankruptcy.”  

The cabinet has been violating its own rules on exporting arms, said the party’s foreign policy expert Omid Nouripour, despite Sigmar Gabriel’s “sermonizing.”

Weapons go to conflict zones

The top importer of German arms is Algeria, which imported €1.36 billion in recent years. The top-ten list also features three Middle Eastern nations involved in the Yemen conflict – Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates.

The report comes at a difficult time for the German government, amid the uproar sparked by photos of German-build tanks deployed by Turkey in Syria. They also cast doubt on the current talks between CDU and SPD on forming then next government, which also include a pledge to “toughen” the rules on arms exports.

Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Unione Europea

Germania. Le leggi valgono solo se servono all’establishment.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2018-01-25.

Filo spinato 001

«The German anti-euro party Alternative for Germany (AfD) is set to chair parliament’s key budget committee if talks succeed to renew a “grand coalition” of conservatives and the Social Democrats (SPD)»

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«The AfD, which stormed into parliament for the first time in September, will become the largest opposition party in the lower house, the Bundestag, if conservative Chancellor Angela Merkel forms a government with the SPD»

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«A blueprint agreed among the Bundestag party factions on how to share out the various committees showed that, if that happened, they would respect the tradition that allows the main opposition party to head the budget committee, which vets euro zone bailouts»

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«The AfD, which wants Germany to leave the euro zone, was also set to chair the law and consumer protection committee and the tourism committee»

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«The AfD draws most of its support from people angry at Merkel’s decision in 2015 to open Germany’s borders to more than a million people seeking asylum, most of them Muslims from the Middle East»

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«Merkel’s conservatives, the SPD, the Greens and the Free Democrats (FDP) had pondered changing the rules to prevent the AfD chairing the budget committee, which debates Germany’s spending plans, including bailout aid for Greece»

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Ricapitoliamo.

La regola per cui il maggiore partito di opposizione assumeva la presidenza della commissione finanza andava bene all’establishment se tale posto restava nella ristretta cerchia della loggia, tanto per parlar chiaro. Tra grembiulini ci si intende sempre.

Ma di quale democrazia ci si sciacqua la bocca quando si parla di un “Plans to ostracise the AfD in the Bundestag”?

Forse che AfD non sia stata ammessa alla contesa elettorale con l’autorizzazione di un tribunale federale? E che? Ci si mette un verdetto sotto le suole perché non è comodo, per poi bacchettare il resto del mondo che non segue le leggi e non rispetta le sentenze?

Forse che Afd non sia stata eletta dal popolo sovrano? Ma è il popolo sovrano ad eleggersi i suoi rappresentanti oppure è la coppia Schulz Merkel? Ma che storia mai sarebbe questa? Un nuovo duumvirato?

Non è AfD a mettere in forse la democrazia, ma il comportamento dell’attuale establishment, che dopo quattro mesi non è ancora stato in grado di formare uno straccetto di governo.


Reuters. 2018-01-23. Germany anti-euro party to chair budget committee if SPD joins government

The German anti-euro party Alternative for Germany (AfD) is set to chair parliament’s key budget committee if talks succeed to renew a “grand coalition” of conservatives and the Social Democrats (SPD), according to a document seen by Reuters.

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The AfD, which stormed into parliament for the first time in September, will become the largest opposition party in the lower house, the Bundestag, if conservative Chancellor Angela Merkel forms a government with the SPD.

A blueprint agreed among the Bundestag party factions on how to share out the various committees showed that, if that happened, they would respect the tradition that allows the main opposition party to head the budget committee, which vets euro zone bailouts.

The AfD, which wants Germany to leave the euro zone, was also set to chair the law and consumer protection committee and the tourism committee.

Merkel’s conservatives, the SPD, the Greens and the Free Democrats (FDP) had pondered changing the rules to prevent the AfD chairing the budget committee, which debates Germany’s spending plans, including bailout aid for Greece.

The AfD has put forward lawmaker Peter Boehringer to chair the committee, whose members will have to vote on his appointment.

Plans to ostracise the AfD in the Bundestag were dropped by other parties after they concluded that this would only strengthen the party, which says Islam is incompatible with the German constitution.

The AfD became the third largest party in September’s election, while both the conservatives and the SPD suffered steep losses after four years in coalition.

As a result, the SPD’s rank and file are by no means certain to vote in favor of renewing that alliance after the conclusion of formal negotiations, which begin this Friday.

Germany is the largest contributor to euro zone rescue programs and, even though Boehringer could not single-handedly veto aid, his hostility toward the euro zone is likely to create tension.

Last year, he described as a “disgrace” French President Emmanuel Macron’s proposals to install a euro zone finance minister and create a budget for the single currency bloc.

The AfD draws most of its support from people angry at Merkel’s decision in 2015 to open Germany’s borders to more than a million people seeking asylum, most of them Muslims from the Middle East.