La grafica tratta da Politico mette bene in evidenza gli andamenti nel tempo dei gruppi all’europarlamento.
Epp e S&D (Pse) sembrerebbero avviarsi ad uno storico ridimensionamento: gli Elettori si sono disaffezionati e non li votano più come un tempo. La vecchia maggioranza Ppe ed S&D non sarà più numericamente possibile.
Ma al crollo della loro rappresentatività numera si associa anche un aumento delle divergenze interne, elemento questo che offusca la linearità dell’azione politica e, per sovramercato, si associa inoltre una grande debolezza nelle rispettive patrie. La Cdu e la Spd in Germania stanno collezionando sconfitte elettorali su sconfitte: la loro voce in Europa si fa sempre più tenute.
Ma questo è solo uno dei quadri possibili.
I nuovi eletti potrebbero anche rimescolare grandemente la configurazione dei gruppi parlamentari: l’adesione ai gruppi è infatti successiva alle elezioni.
Questo sondaggio fu fatto tenendo conto di nuovi criteri aggregativi, ed è stato rimosso poche ore dopo essere stato pubblicato: segnalare il Ppe a 100 seggi ed S&D a 70 seggi avrebbe indotto panico nella gente. Però la possibilità, per quanto improbabile, sussiste sempre.
Sarà l’entità del crollo disaggregante del Ppe e di S&D
a misurare la vittoria degli identitari sovranisti.
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I liberal socialisti si stanno interrogando perplessi su come possa stare in piedi un gruppo in cui confluiscano identitari sovranisti.
Sicuramente ciò dovrebbe essere impossibile, in ossequio alla loro ideologia per cui tutti gli aderenti dovrebbero avere identici credi politici.
Ma le realtà umane non si estinguono certo in quella liberal socialista.
È del tutto sequenziale che quanti aderiranno alla European Alliance of Peoples and Nations, patrocinata da Mr Matteo Salvini, abbiano alcuni punti programmatici comuni pur ritenendo la propria individualità identitaria. Nessuno in tale formazione si sogna di imporre ai francesi di sentirsi italiani, oppure ad ambedue di sentirsi europei. Se su alcuni punti non esistessero divergenze, gli europarlamentari che vi confluiscono non sarebbero identitari sovranisti.
Come di abitudine, i liberal imputano ai loro nemici proprio quello che meglio li contraddistingue: la gelosa ed attenta custodia della propria libertà.
Italy’s Matteo Salvini is currently driving the unification of Europe’s right-wing populists.
In the wake of the last European Parliament election in 2014, far-right populist parties split in three political groupings.
The group called Europe of Nations and Freedom has contained Marine Le Pen’s French National Rally, Salvini’s League and Geert Wilders’ Party for Freedom.
This group is now meant to expand and develop into a ‘European Alliance of Peoples and Nations’. Salvini managed to attract other far-right outlets such the Alternative for Germany, the Finns Party and the Danish People’s Party.
Even if Europe’s far-right will gain electoral support, they are not likely to win a majority.
The European People’s Party, the centre-right group of the European Parliament, is projected to keep its relative majority, followed by the Socialists & Democrats.
Salvini has also not managed to fully unite Europe’s far-right. Importantly, the Hungarian Fidesz party under prime minister Viktor Orban has not (yet) switched from the mainstream conservatives.
However, this affiliation stands on shaky grounds. Fidesz’ disdain for judicial independence and the EU’s fundamental principles has led to its temporary suspension from the conservative party family.
Orban continues to play the ‘bad boy’ and seeks to bring the centre-right group closer to the emerging populist alliance. The Hungarian prime minister withdrew his support for Manfred Weber, the conservative Spitzenkandidat, for the presidency of the European Commission.
He also invited the Italian minister of interior for a visit of Hungary’s anti-migrant fence built at the border with Serbia.
Regardless of the outcome of the European elections, Europe’s far-right is gaining ground in European politics. They have more and more access to the European Council and Council of the EU.
Far-right parties dominate or participate in governments in Austria (at least until this weekend’s revelations and collapse of the government), Hungary, Poland and Italy.
The far-right’s rise at the national level is linked to its adoption of Islamophobia and anti-migration stances in lieu of outright extremism. This shift may also provide a more stable basis for the renewed right-wing alliance.
The previous reunification efforts often broke over a too cosy relationship of some members with fascist groups or extremist ideology. They now manage to better conceal these extremist fringes by systematically drawing public attention to their anti-Muslim and anti-migration messages.
A fierce anti-migration agenda helps overcoming past disputes. Great controversy has long characterised the EU debate on how to help southern European states deal with their migratory pressures.
For years, different Italian governments have pledged for more solidarity from their EU partners.
This has come to an end with Salvini. He calls for a fortification of Italy’s borders to curb migration. Publicly demonstrating his disregard for the EU-level, Salvini missed all but one justice and home affairs council, which discussed the EU’s reform of asylum policy.
Italy’s approach has hence become compatible with Orban and other eastern European states staunchly opposing a mandatory relocation scheme for asylum seekers.
The ‘nationalists’ continue to often have very different ‘national interests’.
Italy’s League, for instance, seeks a closer relationship with Vladimir Putin’s Russia considered by some eastern European populists still as a threat to their security.
Southern populists campaign against eurozone rules and austerity, whereas those requirements don’t go far enough for their northern colleagues.
However, condensed in their anti-migration rhetoric, right-wing populists do not view these diverging national interests as stumbling blocks.
Rather, they seek to overcome them by shifting the focus of the public debate and downplaying the possibilities for common European problem-solving. This creates a vicious circle.
The EU gets incapable of finding compromises and policy solutions such as on how to help border countries with incoming migration.
The right-wing populists call for drastic solutions, notably a zero-migration policy. A hermetically-sealed Europe may prove impossible in practice. Yet, if a next ‘migration crisis’ eventually unfolds, right-wing populists will be the ones quickly shifting the blame on the EU.
These European elections only reflect a wider shift in European politics. Europe’s far-right is getting more ‘united in diversity’. This is also the motto of the EU.
Contrary to what the EU strives for, however, Europe’s far-right does not seek to advance common solutions but to block the EU from within.
«The new group will be called European Alliance of Peoples and Nations (EAPN), Meuthen said, and is open to anyone for whom conservatism and patriotism are important»
«Not welcome are socialists, communists, eco-fascists and extremists — be they from the left or right,»
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Così Mr Salvini sembrerebbe essere riuscito a coagulare almeno in parte le formazioni politiche che si oppongono all’attuale indirizzo politico ed economico dell’Unione Europea.
Precisiamo immediatamente un termine che usato in modo improprio genera solo confusione.
‘Euroskeptic‘, euroscettici, è un termine spregiativo coniato dai liberal socialisti per identificare quanti non la pensassero come loro. Nei fatti codeste formazioni non contestano l’Unione Europea in sé e per sé: hanno come obiettivo un’Unione Europea di stati sovrani, una Unione Europea con intimi legami economici, ma si oppongono all’attuale classe dirigente europea ad impronta liberal socialista ed alla concezione di uno stato europeo..
«We want to reform Europe»
«For many people, the EU is a nightmare, not a dream»
«Salvini’s promise of shaking up the EU strikes a chord with many far-right parties, which share many broad ideological goals such as curbing migration and returning power to national governments»
«Not welcome are socialists, communists, eco-fascists and extremists — be they from the left or right»
Nessuno ha la sfera di cristallo, ma se i sondaggi elettorali si realizzassero, il vero mutamento in seno all’europarlamento sarà la débâcle del partito popolare e di quello socialista, che assieme dovrebbero perdere circa cento seggi e, con essi, la maggioranza. Sicuramente potranno formare una coalizione, ma sarà bere latte al posto del vino.
Estonia docet. Questo anno si terranno elezioni politiche in otto stati dell’Unione Europea, e, sempre che i sondaggi si realizzino, i liberal socialisti avranno perso la maggioranza anche in seno al Consiglio Europeo, vero organo direzionale dell’Unione.
«A final attempt by EU interior ministers to find agreement on a common immigration policy ahead of European parliamentary elections has collapsed. And that is just what some wanted, says DW’s Bernd Riegert.»
«The AfD and other euroskeptic parties have formed a bloc ahead of the European Parliament elections. Various anti-immigrant youth organizations recently gathered in Rome, giving a sense of what might be to come»
«To general consternation, educational courses are to be held at a secluded monastery to create a populist political vanguard capable of “launching an assault on Europe.”
For many, the decision to live in an all-but-abandoned 13th-century monastery atop a mountain in a foreign country with no cellphone reception and only a groundskeeper, an octogenarian monk and 19 feral cats for company would not be an obvious lifestyle choice.
When asked about DHI’s values, Harnwell cites the first chapter of Genesis in the Bible, “that man is made in the image and likes of God and every single person without exception… is of infinite value.”
What about capital punishment? “Look, the DHI doesn’t have a view on capital punishment. I personally am not opposed to capital punishment.”
Marriage? “Between a man and a woman.”
Divorce? “Not a concept which is compatible with the concept of sacramental marriage.”»
The Alternative for Germany is forming a new alliance with Italy’s League and other far-right parties after the European Parliament elections. They hope the coalition will shake up the European Union.
Italy’s Matteo Salvini has formally launched his much-anticipated bid to unite European far-right parties ahead of EU elections in May. “We want to reform Europe,” he declared during a press conference at a swanky hotel in central Milan. “For many people, the EU is a nightmare, not a dream,” said the Italian interior minister and deputy prime minister.
Salvini has teamed up with Germany’s right-wing populist Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, whose leader and currently the group’s only MEP, Jörg Meuthen was by his side. Also at the table were representatives from the Danish People’s Party and the Finns Party of Finland, who are for now the only other confirmed members.
The new group will be called European Alliance of Peoples and Nations (EAPN), Meuthen said, and is open to anyone for whom conservatism and patriotism are important. “Not welcome are socialists, communists, eco-fascists and extremists — be they from the left or right,” he added.
The meeting, entitled “Towards a Europe of Common Sense: Peoples rise up,” was hyped as a much bigger event — something Salvini played down when asked. “It wouldn’t have been possible to have a press conference with 15 people from 15 parties.”
The National Rally of France’s Marine Le Pen and Austria’s ruling Freedom Party (FPÖ) were not at the event, but have confirmed their existing cooperation with the League. The three parties currently sit in the same group in the EU assembly.
A ‘Europe of common sense’
Salvini’s promise of shaking up the EU strikes a chord with many far-right parties, which share many broad ideological goals such as curbing migration and returning power to national governments. But they differ on other key areas, like the free market or how money from the EU budget should be carved up.
The absence of many of the biggest populist players at this event may speak to that disparity. But those present were quick to skirt around the issue of differences. “The things that unite us are bigger than the things that divide us,” said Anders Vistisen of the Danish People’s Party.
Marine Le Pen, leader of France’s far-right National Rally, didn’t attend the event, nor did any representatives from her party. But she and Salvini are already closely aligned. The two leaders met in Paris on Friday and both took to Twitter to talk up their blossoming coalition. Le Pen said she was “ready to win” with Salvini. While Salvini said he was committed to “widening the alliance” of those who wanted to bring some “common sense to Europe.”
The two leaders have long agreed that Europe needs change and are already grouped together at the European level.
A numbers game
Right-wing populist parties are indeed on the rise across the continent. They are in power in Italy, Hungary, Poland and Austria and, according to polls, are set to make significant gains in the European elections come May. But the problem at the EU level has been coordination and finding a unified voice — It’s precisely that problem that Salvini hope to change.
Europe’s populist parties are are currently split into three different groups; the Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF) — to which Salvini’s League belongs, the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), or Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD).
As it stands, the ENF has 37 MEPs, the parliament’s smallest grouping. On current projections, Salvini’s League party looks set to pick up 28 seats — up from just five in the previous election in 2014. Germany’s AfD could go from having just one MEP (after several MEPs elected in 2014 on the AfD’s rolls left the party) to 13. But even with the promise to join forces, they’ll need to convince other to join too if they’re dream of setting the agenda is to become reality.
Salvini’s supporters seem to think he’s the man for the job. “It is crucial that we are not alone, that we work together,” Maximilian Krah, AfD’s third candidate for the European Parliament, told DW last month. “I think that Salvini is the person who can integrate a very different national conservative movement.”
In response to a question about the lackluster response to this event, Vistisen told DW he hoped today’s EAPN launch would encourage more groups to get on board. In a plea to other populists, Vistisen said, “if you don’t believe in coming together, our opponents will win.”
If Salvini is successful in winning over Poland’s PiS and Hungary’s Fidesz, the new grouping could well transform the parliament. But that’s still a big ‘if’.
“We don’t want to fragment Europe,” Salvini told the crowd. “We want to work together.”