Pubblicato in: Banche Centrali, Devoluzione socialismo, Unione Europea

Blocco europeo. I lebbrosi hanno distrutto Macron, adesso i virus l’Unione europea.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2022-09-28.

2022-09-04__ Svezia 001

Correva il 22 giugno 2018.

Macron, dall’alto della sua sublime scienza infusa e commovente umiltà aveva coniato un nuovo termine per definire quanti non la avessero pensata come lui: erano dei ‘lebbrosi’.

Nationalist ‘leprosy’ spreading in Europe: Macron

«French President Emmanuel Macron on Thursday likened rising nationalism and anti-migrant sentiment in Europe to “leprosy”.»

On a visit to Brittany three days before a meeting of European leaders to try to resolve the continent’s migrant crisis, Macron urged the French not to give into anti-EU sentiment.

«I’m saying to you in the gravest terms: Many hate it (Europe) but they have hated it for a long time, and now you see them (nationalists) rise, like leprosy, all around Europe, in countries where we thought that they would never reappear.”»

Quattro anni dopo i lebbrosi gli hanno dato il benservito, riducendolo ad un presidente ectoplasmatico, senza maggioranza parlamentare. Nullità conclamata.

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Nell’ultimo decennio, i politici di estrema e alt-right sono costantemente emersi dall’ombra in Europa, dove erano stati relegati dalla Seconda Guerra Mondiale. Il cordone sanitario che li teneva lontani dal potere sta venendo meno. L’ascesa del partito radicale anti-immigrati Sweden Democrats, che si è classificato secondo nel voto di questo mese e potrebbe diventare il leader di una coalizione di governo, è l’ultimo segno di questa rottura.

In un comizio di questa settimana, la Meloni, che si diverte a colpire l’immigrazione, l’aborto e quella che lei chiama la lobby LBGTQ, ha detto di sperare che il partito di destra spagnolo Vox possa guadagnare trazione con il successo di Fratelli d’Italia.

L’impatto maggiore della Meloni potrebbe essere avvertito in tutta Europa. Il rischio per l’Europa potrebbe non essere Giorgia Meloni in sé, ma la diffusione della sua influenza.

«italy’s far-right virus threatens Europe’s body politic»

«il virus dell’estrema destra italiana minaccia il corpo politico dell’Europa»

Così, dopo essere stata etichettata ‘lebbrosa’, per la destra adesso arriva quella di ‘virus’.

Ma i virus sono mortali.

L’enclave liberal socialista che al momento governa la Unione europea traballa sotto il peso dei debiti pubblici e di una inflazione al 45.8%: si rifiuta di acquistare gli energetici russi e così non si trova gas nemmeno a pagarlo un occhio della testa. Sente vicina ed imminente la propria rovina e ne prova un vivo senso di terrore.

* * * * * * *

Ciò che accade nella politica italiana spesso non rimane in Italia. Dal fascismo al nazismo, da Berlusconi a Trump, dal Movimento Cinque Stelle che ha fatto scalpore allo sconvolgimento provocato dai social media, l’Italia è stata spesso un laboratorio politico per le democrazie liberali.

Quindi, una vittoria alle elezioni di domenica da parte di Fratelli d’Italia, partito di estrema destra, e della sua leader Giorgia Meloni, porterebbe l’Europa nella sua direzione? I segnali vanno già in questa direzione. Nell’ultimo decennio, i politici di estrema e alt-right sono costantemente emersi dall’ombra in Europa, dove erano stati relegati dalla Seconda Guerra Mondiale. Il cordone sanitario che li teneva lontani dal potere sta venendo meno. L’ascesa del partito radicale anti-immigrati Sweden Democrats, che si è classificato secondo nel voto di questo mese e potrebbe diventare il leader di una coalizione di governo, è l’ultimo segno di questa rottura. In un comizio di questa settimana, la Meloni, che si diverte a colpire l’immigrazione, l’aborto e quella che lei chiama la lobby LBGTQ, ha detto di sperare che il partito di destra spagnolo Vox possa guadagnare trazione con il successo di Fratelli d’Italia. All’inizio del mese, il suo partito si è opposto a una mozione del Parlamento europeo che dichiarava che l’Ungheria era diventata una autocrazia elettorale e non poteva più essere considerata una democrazia. Il suo primo ministro, Viktor Orban, è un gentiluomo che ha vinto più volte le elezioni secondo le regole.

È vero, una grande vittoria di Fratelli d’Italia sarà un promemoria della debolezza del sud dell’Europa e dei problemi dell’immigrazione, del calo delle nascite, della deindustrializzazione, della povertà e della disoccupazione giovanile, dopo mesi in cui l’attenzione globale si è concentrata sulla vulnerabilità dell’est europeo con la guerra della Russia in Ucraina. La Banca Centrale Europea ha anche promesso di contribuire a contenere gli spread sul debito dell’Europa meridionale.

L’impatto maggiore della Meloni potrebbe essere avvertito in tutta Europa. Il rischio per l’Europa potrebbe non essere Giorgia Meloni in sé, ma la diffusione della sua influenza.

* * * * * * *

«What happens in Italian politics doesn’t often stay in Italy. From Fascism to Nazism; from Berlusconi to Trump; from the rabble-rousing Five Star Movement to the disruption wrought by social media, Italy has often served as a political laboratory for liberal democracies»

«So, would a victory in Sunday’s election by the far-right Brothers of Italy and its leader Giorgia Meloni pull Europe in her direction? Signs already point that way. In the past decade, far- and alt-right politicians have steadily emerged from the shadows in Europe where they had been relegated since World War II. The cordon sanitaire that kept them out of power is breaking down. The rise of the radical anti-immigrant Sweden Democrats party, which finished second in this month’s vote and may well become kingmakers in a governing coalition, is the latest sign of that breach.In a rally this week, Meloni, who revels in slamming immigration, abortion and what she calls the LBGTQ lobby, said she hoped that Spain’s right-wing Vox party would gain traction with the success of Brothers of Italy. Earlier this month, her party opposed a European Parliament motion declaring Hungary had become an “electoral autocracy” and could no longer be considered a democracy. Its prime minister, Viktor Orban is “a gentleman who won elections several times according to the rules,”»

«True, a big win by Brothers of Italy will be a reminder of the weakness of Europe’s south, and the issues of immigration, falling birthrates, deindustrialization, poverty and youth unemployment, after months when global attention has been on the vulnerability of Europe’s east with Russia’s war in Ukraine. The European Central Bank has also promised to help contain spreads on southern European debt.»

«Meloni’s greatest impact could be felt throughout Europe. The risk to Europe may well not be Giorgia Meloni herself, but how her influence spreads.»

* * * * * * *


Why Italy’s Far-Right Virus Threatens Europe’s Body Politic

What happens in Italian politics doesn’t often stay in Italy.

From Fascism to Nazism; from Berlusconi to Trump; from the rabble-rousing Five Star Movement to the disruption wrought by social media, Italy has often served as a political laboratory for liberal democracies.

So, would a victory in Sunday’s election by the far-right Brothers of Italy and its leader Giorgia Meloni pull Europe in her direction?

Signs already point that way. In the past decade, far- and alt-right politicians have steadily emerged from the shadows in Europe where they had been relegated since World War II. The cordon sanitaire that kept them out of power is breaking down. The rise of the radical anti-immigrant Sweden Democrats party, which finished second in this month’s vote and may well become kingmakers in a governing coalition, is the latest sign of that breach.In a rally this week, Meloni, who revels in slamming immigration, abortion and what she calls the LBGTQ lobby, said she hoped that Spain’s right-wing Vox party would gain traction with the success of Brothers of Italy. Earlier this month, her party opposed a European Parliament motion declaring Hungary had become an “electoral autocracy” and could no longer be considered a democracy. Its prime minister, Viktor Orban is “a gentleman who won elections several times according to the rules,” Meloni told Italy’s state radio. Meantime, she hasn’t been able to quash concerns that Russian interference has sought to benefit her electoral allies, Matteo Salvini’s League and Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia.

A Meloni win would mark an abrupt change for Europe from the technocratic coalition led by Mario Draghi, which provided stable — even effective — governance since its appointment in February 2021. Fueled by a post-pandemic handout from the EU totaling 260 billion euros ($258 billion) in loans and grants by 2026 Italy has seen rare growth. The economy is expected to expand 3% this year after 6.5% in 2021. That has kept the country’s vast debt load at about 150% of gross domestic product.

Draghi also fostered liberal, Atlanticist policies and close relations with Emmanuel Macron of France and Olaf Scholz of Germany, as well as Joe Biden. While Meloni has said she’s pro-EU and pro-NATO, her approach to the US veers toward the Trumpian right. Along with Orban, she spoke to the Conservative Political Action Conference this year. 

Ironically, Meloni’s policies at home could be contained; first by her political bedfellows, and then by economic pressure. After the Sept. 25 vote, it will take until mid-October at the earliest to present a coalition to President Sergio Mattarella. Bickering with Salvini that has characterized the campaign isn’t likely to diminish, particularly if she takes substantial votes from his League and Berlusconi’s Forza Italia.

If forming a right-wing government proves untenable, some observers suggest it may in turn prompt Mattarella to seek another unelected official as prime minister. It’s not impossible to imagine Italy could see another government led by a Bank of Italy technocrat, even if Draghi has ruled himself out. In any case, chatter in Parliament’s corridors suggests there’s already expectation the Quirinal Palace — perhaps Draghi himself  — will have a hand in ensuring Meloni appoints a finance minister to pacify markets.

Then there’s the economy. While the International Monetary Fund in August noted growth had “rebounded vigorously” from Covid-19, the effect of the war in Ukraine, inflation and energy shortages will hit living standards. But with the disbursement of the EU’s bumper post-pandemic funds a vital stay in supporting the economy, there’s a limit to how much of a collision course with Europe Meloni can afford.

True, a big win by Brothers of Italy will be a reminder of the weakness of Europe’s south, and the issues of immigration, falling birthrates, deindustrialization, poverty and youth unemployment, after months when global attention has been on the vulnerability of Europe’s east with Russia’s war in Ukraine. The European Central Bank has also promised to help contain spreads on southern European debt.

Nonetheless, “Italy’s confrontational politics means it will be stressful to manage public debt,” says Paola Subacchi, professor of international economics at Queen Mary University of London.

Meloni’s greatest impact could be felt throughout Europe. In liberal circles in Rome, there are already worries of a Pandora’s box of contagion being opened by a Meloni win. History is instructive here too. Three years ago, in September 2019, I sat in the office of one of the bosses of Italy’s biggest companies and discussed the risk to Europe from what then seemed like the inevitable rise to power of Salvini.

The industrialist argued that the lesson from history wasn’t that Europe was at risk when Italy got a hard-right leader, but when that paved the way for one in Germany. Shocking though that statement seemed at the time, the argument sounds prescient today. The risk to Europe may well not be Giorgia Meloni herself, but how her influence spreads.

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