Giuseppe Sandro Mela.
Una cosa è quanto è detto in pubblico, ed una del tutto differente quanto si cerca di concordare nel segreto delle conventicole.
Si deve prendere atto che il miglior risultato possibile altro non sarà che il frutto di compromessi instabili e promesse impossibili da mantenersi. Consiglio Europeo ed europarlamento hanno due differenti maggioranze, inconciliabili tra di loro.
«Immortale odium et nunquam sanabile vulnus»: questa era la scritta sulla medaglia fatta coniare dalla massoneria in occasione del decesso di san Pio IX. E da quei tempi le sinistre sono degli odiatori fenomenali. Se i socialisti europei non avessero perso quaranta seggi oggi non ci sarebbero problemi:ma la colpa è loro, non degli altri.
A breve si potrà constatare quanta arte politica abbia Frau von der Leyen.
«Unhappy socialist and liberal MEPs could upset Ursula von der Leyen’s bid to be the next European Commission president in a vote this week»
«That might “not be the end of Europe,” but it would make an even bigger mess of the EU top jobs system»
«If she scrapes through after doing a deal with populists, it could also bode ill for future EU leadership»
«The German centre-right candidate needs at least 374 out of 747 votes to get past the finish line in the vote at 6PM in Strasbourg on Tuesday (15 July)»
«For their part, British diplomats estimated that von der Leyen would only get 357 votes in an informal calculation doing the rounds in EP corridors»
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Un elemento sembrerebbe però emergere.
Questa legislazione dell’Unione Europea sarà travagliata e più che portare avanti idee costruttive, opinabili o meno, ma almeno omogenee e coerenti, sarà improntata a soddisfare odi impotenti e rabbie impossibilitate a sfogarsi con la distruzione di un avversario ritenuto essere un nemico mortale.
Unhappy socialist and liberal MEPs could upset Ursula von der Leyen’s bid to be the next European Commission president in a vote this week.
That might “not be the end of Europe,” but it would make an even bigger mess of the EU top jobs system.
If she scrapes through after doing a deal with populists, it could also bode ill for future EU leadership.
The German centre-right candidate needs at least 374 out of 747 votes to get past the finish line in the vote at 6PM in Strasbourg on Tuesday (15 July).
The parliament normally has 751 MEPs, but four of them have not taken up their seats yet.
If things go as her team predicts, she might get more than 400 in what would be a strong mandate to take the helm amid turbulent times in Europe.
She would need all the centre-right and liberal MEPs and a substantial majority of socialists to do it.
The Greens, eurosceptic MEPs, and far-left ones have said they will vote against her, but she has the centre-right and liberals on paper and the socialist split appeared to be tilting her way.
The German socialists had led the attack, even circulating a pamphlet in the European Parliament (EP) last week entitled “Why Ursula von der Leyen is an inadequate and unsuitable candidate”.
But over the weekend two big names from Germany’s centre-left SPD party – former party chief Sigmar Gabriel and former interior minister Otto Schily – publicly urged MEPs to back her.
A Danish Socialist MEP, Christel Schaldemose, also told Danish Radio on Sunday “at least” half the socialists will vote for her.
“She is likely to get it because the whole EPP [the centre-right group] and the liberals will back her. Enough socialists will also back her, especially the Spanish delegation, which wants to secure the EU Council deal, so it can get Borrell into a top job,” a source from the liberal Renew Europe group told EUobserver.
The EU leaders’ deal, agreed earlier this month, envisaged making Spain’s socialist foreign minister, Josep Borrell, the EU foreign relations chief as part of a package including von der Leyen’s nomination.
But Tuesday’s secret ballot – a format which favours party rebels – could cause a surprise.
For their part, British diplomats estimated that von der Leyen would only get 357 votes in an informal calculation doing the rounds in EP corridors.
The British count assumed all Renew Europe MEPs would toe the group line.
But an EP source said as many as a quarter of Renew Europe’s 67 deputies might abstain in protest, especially if von der Leyen declined the group’s demand to reform the EU election system.
Her defeat “would not be the end of Europe”, Luxembourg’s socialist foreign minister Jean Asselborn told German newspaper Die Welt on Sunday.
“If Frau von der Leyen is not elected, one more round will be needed … the [EU] Council would have one month to come up with another idea,” he said.
But that scenario would make an even bigger mess in the EU institutions, after EU leaders recently broke their own rules on nominations, the so-called ‘Spiztenkandidat’ system, in favour of old-fashioned horse-trading.
It would be so unwelcome, the vote should be postponed until September unless von der Leyen was sure to win, Schaldemose, the Danish MEP said.
One way to avoid it would be if von der Leyen did a deal with Greens.
And the EP source said her office had held talks on giving the Greens a strong portfolio in the next EU commission, even though “nothing could be guaranteed”.
Another way would be for von der Leyen to court the anti-federalist ECR group, the third largest with 70 MEPs.
But “the entire ECR group would vote against her” unless other groups let Poland’s ruling PiS party install its candidate, former prime minister Beata Szydlo, as the chair of the EU parliament’s employment and social affairs committee, another EP source said.
And the prospect of von der Leyen relying on the votes of one of Europe’s most populist parties, the PiS, which is under a sanctions procedure for abuse of rule of law, would not be a pretty one, Luxembourg’s Asselborn said.
Von der Leyen “has to express [herself] without doubt for the non-negotiability of the rule of law and for the principle of solidarity. In other words, against the Europe of Orban, Kaczynski, Le Pen and Salvini,” he said, naming PiS chief Jaroslaw Kaczynski, and three other leading EU populists from Hungary, France, and Italy.