Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Unione Europea

Germania. Dieci milioni di migranti votano. Ma votano come vogliono.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2019-04-15.

Migranti Turki Germania

Ma per davvero eravate così gonzi da credervi che in Germania alle elezioni votassero i tedeschi?

Ma vi siete mai peritati di contare quanti immigranti hanno ricevuto il diritto di voto?

E vi eravate mica illusi che i migranti votanti stessero a sentire i politici tedeschi invece dei loro capi religiosi e politici esteri?

Suvvia: togliamoci lo scolapasta dalla testa e torniamo con i piedi per terra.

I migranti che votano ci sono, sono tanti, e fanno gli interessi loro e dei loro paesi di origine, non certo quelli dei tedeschi oppure dell’Unione Europea.

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«A new study says that Germans with an immigrant background trust the country’s political system, but lack the confidence to engage with it»

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«In Germany, around 20 million people (almost a quarter of the population) have an immigrant background, which means they or at least one of their parents do not have German citizenship by birth»

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«However, around half of these people now have a German passport and are therefore eligible to vote in local, state and federal elections»

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«We were surprised at how evident the differences in the perception of political self-efficacy were between people with and without an immigrant background.»

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«among those with a Turkish background, there was a lower political self-efficacy compared to other migrants.»

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«A defining factor is education level: People who have completed a high school education and perhaps have gone on to higher education tend to have much more confidence in asserting themselves politically compared to those who only have a partial high school education or none at all.»

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«This can be explained by the fact that among the migrants of the last 10 years, many come from countries where democracy and participatory politics are typically not very good. And so they think it is better here.»

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«In the 1960s, Turkish workers arrived in Germany to fill the demand for cheap labor in a booming post-war economy. Many of them never left, creating a minority community that changed the demographics of Germany forever.»

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«For Turkey, the export of large numbers of male Turkish workers to Germany had several advantages. First, the men were well paid in Germany and sent remittances home to their families in Turkey. Second, they obtained further training in Germany and were supposed to bring that knowledge back to Turkey when they returned.»

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«After two years, the Turkish workers were expected to return home, and then a new group of workers was supposed to be recruited.»

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«The goal was to prevent the Turkish guests from becoming immigrants.»

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«Today, around 2.5 million people with a Turkish background live in Germany, meaning either they or their parents were born in Turkey, making them the largest migrant group in the country. Around 700,000 Turkish migrants have German citizenship»

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Fatti ed interpretazioni riportati negli articoli allegati possono, e dovrebbero, essere letti sotto differenti angolazioni, ciascuna delle quali individua un parte di verità.

Gli Stati Uniti sono un giovane popolo agli inizi composto da persone che avevano migrato dai loro paesi di origine, ma questi paesi erano in gran parte europei. Il retaggio religioso, storico, culturale e sociale era identico, differenziandosi solo per forma, non per sostanza.

L’assimilazione avveniva usualmente alla seconda, meglio alla terza, generazione.

I fenomeni religiosi, storici, culturali e sociali necessitano di molte generazioni per sedimentare, e spesso riemergono anche a distanza di secoli. Il popolo scozzese sta mostrando segni di insofferenza alla ricerca di una sua propria autonomia, così come il popolo basco oppure quello catalano. Sono situazioni alle quali sarebbe ben opportuno meditarci sopra, con grande cura ed attenzione.

Sarebbe un errore pacchiano considerare l’essere umano quale mero meccanismo deterministico economico: che questo aspetto sia importante nessuno lo mette in dubbio, ma ciò non toglie che non sia né l’unico né il principale.

Dare ai migranti un lavoro, anche ben remunerato, accelera la loro futura integrazione, ma chiaramente non estingue il problema.

I tedeschi, reduci da due guerre mondiali che avevano falcidiato severamente la loro popolazione maschile adulta, subito nel primo dopo guerra dovette ricorrere ad una massiccia immigrazione per sopperire la carenza di braccia.

Gli immigrati in larga quota erano persone degnissime ma con retaggi religiosi e culturali differenti.

I tedeschi si illusero, e si stanno illudendo ancor oggi, che il dar loro lavoro equivalga ad averli assimilati ai tedeschi autoctoni.

I problemi iniziarono ad evidenziarsi quando i migranti conseguirono la massa critica: non avevano però avuto il tempo di assimilare la cultura tedesca, ed ora sono i tedeschi ad assimilare quella dei migranti. Mutatis mutandis, si ripete quello che era successo tra etruschi e romani.

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Orbene, questi dieci milioni di votanti con ascendenza immigratoria sono indirizzati nel voto più dalle situazioni socio-politiche degli stati di provenienza che dalle proposte dei politici tedeschi. Formano in altri termini un’enclave funzionale refrattaria e tetragona alla dialettica politica tedesca.

Se sicuramente possono concentrare il proprio voto su di un qualche partito esistente, altrettanto certamente potrebbero mutar voto in altre successive elezioni. Ed alla fine potrebbero anche fondare un loro proprio partito.

Dieci milioni di voti potrebbero avere il loro peso: potrebbero cambiare la Germania e con essa l’Europa.

Se alla domanda “Cosa più potrebbe nuocere alla Germania?” si rispondesse: ‘l’attuale governo‘, allora molte cose sarebbe molto più chiare.


Deutsche Welle. 2019-04-11. German politics: Are immigrants left out?

A new study says that Germans with an immigrant background trust the country’s political system, but lack the confidence to engage with it. Political analyst Jan Schneider talks to DW about how this could change.

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In Germany, around 20 million people (almost a quarter of the population) have an immigrant background, which means they or at least one of their parents do not have German citizenship by birth. However, around half of these people now have a German passport and are therefore eligible to vote in local, state and federal elections.

The Expert Council of German Foundations on Integration and Migration (SVR) recently conducted a study on the extent to which people with an immigrant background in Germany engage in politics. The SVR, which is an independent body, regularly compiles statistics on migration, but this study marks the first time it has conducted a survey on political self-efficacy.

The aim of the study, in essence, was to measure the level of political engagement among people with immigrant backgrounds living in Germany. Do they understand the political system? Do they feel politicians represent their interests? Do they feel they are in a position to be involved in politics? Generally, when it comes to these issues, people with an immigrant background often view themselves as worse off compared to those without an immigrant background.

The head of the SVR research department, Jan Schneider, spoke to DW about the study.

DW: What insights surprised you?

Jan Schneider: We were surprised at how evident the differences in the perception of political self-efficacy were between people with and without an immigrant background. We asked people how well they understand the political discourse in Germany and how confident they feel in participating in it. The study showed interesting differences; for example, among those with a Turkish background, there was a lower political self-efficacy compared to other migrants.

Why do you think that is?

A defining factor is education level: People who have completed a high school education and perhaps have gone on to higher education tend to have much more confidence in asserting themselves politically compared to those who only have a partial high school education or none at all. This, for example, explains differences among those with a Turkish background.

Is that because among the Turkish population in Germany, there are still many guest workers?

Exactly, and the findings were that among the second generation [of Turkish migrants] participation in the [German] school system was lower. Looking at these statistics alone, the educational level almost completely explains the differences.

One group where political self-efficacy is particularly low regardless of origin is women. Why?

There are so-called gender-specific barriers in the realm of politics. These can be due to different cultural practices or stereotypical conceptions of gender that designate politics, so to speak, as a “men’s business.” It can also simply be an issue of discrimination. Women have always been systemically disadvantaged when it comes to political participation. And this is also the case in the countries from which most of the migrant groups come.

Your study also looked into whether people feel politicians in Germany are listening to the concerns of ordinary people. Migrants especially those who have moved here recently tend to hold a more positive view of politicians than native Germans. Why is that?

This can be explained by the fact that among the migrants of the last 10 years, many come from countries where democracy and participatory politics are typically not very good. And so they think it is better here. You could say there is a sort of “honeymoon effect” or a kind of bonus of trust in the political system and its figureheads. But considering this, it is equally important that we say to politicians: We must not allow skepticism to grow as people stay in the country longer. It could be important to focus on those who have fled here in recent years and take advantage of this honeymoon period.

Your study shows that people with an immigrant background feel less able to get involved in politics. What can people working in German politics do about it?

One of our key recommendations is not just to impart political knowledge through media and events, but also to make politics tangible, and also perhaps show how one can influence it … [particularly] on the local level.

Do you mean this should take the form of direct citizen participation?

Yes, this provides the opportunity to show young people and students that they can bring about change through engaging in politics. And it is the chance to show that participating and having a political commitment pays off, and also is fun.

What about the people who are not involved in education or integration programs?

There are various adult education programs offered by the government, although these have apparently not been successful enough. If institutions such as schools are not accessible, there should be other offerings for political participation and engagement. Also, beyond schools, if people are able to feel as though they can participate, and that they can enact change, then interest and trust in a representative democracy can rise again.


Deutsche Welle. 2011-10-30. Turkish guest workers transformed German society

In the 1960s, Turkish workers arrived in Germany to fill the demand for cheap labor in a booming post-war economy. Many of them never left, creating a minority community that changed the demographics of Germany forever.

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Fifty-five years ago, Germany was in need of healthy, unmarried Turkish men to work in the country’s booming post-war economy, and Turkey was more than willing to help fill that demand.

A treaty signed by the two states on October 30, 1961 established the conditions for the guest workers. The expenses for traveling to Germany were included, but the return trip was not always covered by employers.

There had previously been recruitment treaties between Germany and Italy in 1955 as well as with Spain in 1960. After Turkey, treaties were also signed with Morocco, Portugal, Tunisia and Yugoslavia until 1968. Germany needed additional labor for its factories and mines to help fuel the economic miracle driven by the rapid expansion of production after World War II.

According to the recruitment treaty, Germany was able – with the support of the Turkish government – to set up a liaison office in Istanbul. The office functioned as a foreign bureau for the German Ministry of Labour through which German companies could fill their demand for workers. Turkish authorities initially screened the applications, pre-selected the candidates and then organized interviews in the German liaison office.

For Turkey, the export of large numbers of male Turkish workers to Germany had several advantages. First, the men were well paid in Germany and sent remittances home to their families in Turkey. Second, they obtained further training in Germany and were supposed to bring that knowledge back to Turkey when they returned.

Two-year stay

The employment of Turkish workers was meant to be for a limited time just like with the Greeks, Italians and Spaniards that had previously come to Germany as guest workers.

After two years, the Turkish workers were expected to return home, and then a new group of workers was supposed to be recruited. The goal was to prevent the Turkish guests from becoming immigrants. Originally, the workers were not allowed to bring their families with them.

In 1964, the recruitment treaty was changed to allow the Turkish workers to stay for longer than two years. It was too expensive and time-consuming to constantly hire and train replacements. Later, the workers were even allowed to bring their families with them.

Land of immigrants

An economic recession triggered by the global oil crisis in the early 1970s followed Germany’s economic miracle, and in 1973 the recruitment of foreign workers came to a stop altogether. Between 1961 and 1973, around 2.7 million Turks applied for a job in Germany, but only around 750,000 were actually accepted. Half of those who came returned to Turkey, according to estimates. The other half remained in Germany.

Today, around 2.5 million people with a Turkish background live in Germany, meaning either they or their parents were born in Turkey, making them the largest migrant group in the country. Around 700,000 Turkish migrants have German citizenship. In contrast to citizens of EU countries, Turks cannot have dual citizenship. If they possess both, they must choose between Turkish and German citizenship by their 23rd birthday.

Although the guest workers from Turkey and other countries came to Germany 50 years ago, Germany was only declared a de facto country of immigrants through the passage of new citizenship and immigration laws in 2000 and 2005.

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