Giuseppe Sandro Mela.
Ecco cosa è successo.
«Estonian Prime Minister Juri Ratas unveiled on Saturday a detailed plan for a three-party coalition, including the far-right EKRE-party, which could see him hold power despite his party having come second in an inconclusive election.
The three parties – Ratas’ Center, EKRE and the conservative Fatherland party, which have a total of 56 seats in the 101-member parliament – approved the coalition plan on Saturday.
Ratas invited EKRE to coalition talks on March 11, reversing a promise to block the anti-immigration party from the cabinet.
The 36-page coalition plan includes some of EKRE’s strict immigration polices and wider use of referendums. The parties also shared ministries between them – with Finance, Interior, Environment, Rural Affairs and Foreign Trade going to EKRE. ….
Kallas pulled off a surprise win over the centre-left government in a March 3 vote for parliament, but fell short of a majority ….
EKRE, whose fiercely anti-immigrant message lifted its support during the European migration crisis in 2015, got 19 seats in the March 3 vote, more than double the number from the previous election, winning broad support in rural areas.»
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Il risultato delle elezioni in Estonia era stato più che chiaro: la sinistra liberal socialista era uscita battuta e l’Ekre aveva conquistato 19 su 101 seggi.
Il nodo era costituito però dall’imposizione liberal di non parlare né trattare con i partiti che loro avevano definito populisti, identitari ovvero sovranisti. Anche se erano formazioni vidimate dal consenso popolare, i liberal li avevano ostracizzati e demonizzati. Li odiano di odio razzista, con una condanna inappellabile, rei di non condividere la loro ideologia.
Si è arrivati al punto che in una Germania che si autodefinisce democratica, il parlamento nega ad AfD l’accesso alle cariche che le spetterebbero di diritto. Hanno il potere di farlo, lo fanno, e così aggiungono iniquità ad iniquità.
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Non passerà molto tempo, e l’essere ‘euroskeptic‘ sarà la norma, non la minoranza.
Questi eventi cambieranno anche l’equilibrio politico entro il Consiglio Europeo.
«Center and Reform had previously pledged to shun EKRE, which came third in last month’s parliamentary elections and more than doubled its support by railing against immigrants. EKRE has compared the EU to the Soviet Union and vowed to claw back sovereignty. Its ministerial portfolios also include the finance minister’s position, under the agreement»
«EKRE has compared the EU to the Soviet Union and vowed to claw back sovereignty»
Ne vedremo delle belle!
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«The AfD and other euroskeptic parties have formed a bloc ahead of the European Parliament elections. Various anti-immigrant youth organizations recently gathered in Rome, giving a sense of what might be to come.
Euroskeptic parties are joining forces ahead of the elections for the European Parliament in May. A few days ago, about 500 young members of such parties met in Rome. The summit was organized by the youth wing of Italy’s anti-immigrant League party, which hopes to win a large share of the vote. Surveys indicate that Italian Interior Minister Matteo Salvini‘s party could emerge victorious in Italy. And for months, he has been working to unite Europe’s various right-wing populists. ….
The summit was attended by the heads of Belgian, French, German and Austrian far-right youth organizations. Among them: Damian Lohr, who a year ago took over as the head of the youth wing of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party. ….
Currently, Europe’s right-wing populist parties are spread across three different groups in the European Parliament. They are members of either the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), the Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF) or Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) bloc. In the past, they struggled to cooperate for a number of political and personal reasons. But now, with just weeks to go until the European parliamentary election, Europe’s nationalists want to overcome their differences and join forces. Germany’s AfD has already sent out invitations for a press conference to be held on the matter on April 8. It will again be hosted by Italy’s League party. AfD party leader Jörg Meuthen is set to attend the event.»
«When Donald Trump entered the White House as the 45th U.S. president, the leadership of the free world was placed into the hands of a populist. Few ideas have had as sudden a resurgence in recent years as populism, with upstart parties and often charismatic leaders upsetting the established order to win power in what appeared to be stable democracies. Trump joined other populist leaders such as Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, Hungary’s Viktor Orban and Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines. Most have tapped into a backlash against immigration and a globalized economy that many people feel has left them behind. Does the rise of populists presage the reboot or demise of democracy?
Two years after Trump took office, populism has reached more countries. An anti-establishment coalition took power in Italy in 2018, and its allies across the continent are eyeing gains in 2019 elections for the European Union’s Parliament. Emmanuel Macron prevailed over hard-right leader Marine Le Pen in France’s 2017 presidential election, but has faced violent street protests from disgruntled citizens known as the gilets jaunes. The common thread dates back to the 2008 financial crisis, which opened the door for many populists. Rising inequality and the perception of an unjust — if not corrupt — response to the crash eroded trust in the ability of established leaders to address shifts in the global economy, including technological change and the rise of China. Unlike socialism, fascism, liberalism and pretty much every other “ism,” populism is not inherently left or right. Brazil’s new populist president, Jair Bolsonaro, is a conservative former military officer, while Mexico’s new President, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, presents himself as a radical socialist. Cas Mudde, a professor at the University of Georgia, has called populism a “thin” ideology that pits a “pure” people against a corrupt ruling class. Indeed, the simplest way to think about the label may be as a toolbox that politicians of any stripe can use to tap into simmering discontent.»