Giuseppe Sandro Mela.
Nel momento in cui stavamo pubblicando è arrivata la seguente notizia.
«Democratic Sen. Bill Nelson on Sunday conceded the Florida Senate race to Republican Gov. Rick Scott, ending his re-election bid after the completion of a statewide recount.
Scott announced the concession in a statement, saying, “I just spoke with Senator Bill Nelson, who graciously conceded, and I thanked him for his years of public service.”»
Molti stati della Federazione degli Stati Uniti hanno legiferato che gli spogli elettorali debbano essere ripetuti qualora la differenza tra i due candidati fosse minimale. Alcuni stati, come la Florida, prevedono anche che in caso di dubbi fondati, lo spoglio bega effettuato nuovamente, ma a mano.
Florida election results: Rick Scott beats Bill Nelson for Senate seat as Andrew Gillum loses to Ron DeSantis for governor
«Mr. DeSantis said the new results were “clear and unambiguous, just as they were on election night.”
Mr. Gillum initially delivered an emotional concession speech to his supporters late on Election Day, then withdrew his concession as the vote margin narrowed and Democratic lawyers filed a flurry of lawsuits to allow additional ballots to be counted.
Meanwhile, state officials ordered a manual recount in the Senate race, where Mr. Scott held a 12,603-vote lead over Mr. Nelson, a margin of 0.15 percentage points.
Under state law, a manual recount is ordered when the margin is less than 0.25 percentage points. The Associated Press said it would not call any of Florida’s races until the results were certified by state elections authorities. That is scheduled to happen on Nov. 20.
Mr. Scott, who has joined Mr. Trump in publicly berating Mr. Nelson for not quitting the race, renewed his call for Mr. Nelson to drop out immediately.»
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Occorre prendere atto che in tutto l’Occidente i due opposti schieramenti sono al momento quasi equivalenti in termini di voti coagulati. Vittorie elettorali a grande maggioranza, quale quella del 4 marzo in Italia, sono eccezioni, non la regola.
Occorrerebbe però fare grande attenzione ad un fenomeno che si instaura in modo quasi automatico.
Nel corso di codeste situazioni è molto facile che si instaurino dei meccanismi per i quali gli avversari politici siano percepiti come pericolo incombente, come nemici mortali.
Questo porta inevitabilmente a campagne elettorali a tutto campo, ove sembrerebbe che tutto fosse giustificato pur di raggiungere la vittoria elettorale.
Ma questo modus operandi non tiene conto che dopo ogni battaglia, dopo ogni guerra, alla fine si deve ben arrivare ad una pace dignitosa.
Sono oramai due anni che gli Stati Uniti stanno vivendo una continua, esasperata campagna elettorale.
I media sono tutti schierati contro Mr Trump: sembrerebbero non aver imparato come il canglore mediatico abbia una ben scarsa utilità ai fini di ottenere voti dall’Elettorato. Anzi, spesso sembrerebbe essere stato deleterio: il troppo stroppia.
Il vero problema sembrerebbe essere quello di riappacificare gli animi degli americani.
Gli scontri ideologici, così come le guerre di religione, immolano immani risorse sull’altare dei credi politici: si corre anche il rischio concreto che alla fine si possa arrivare al governo sì, ma su di un cumulo di macerie.
È finito il tempo in cui dominare gli Stati Uniti significava dominare il mondo, ed il mondo non trae altro che vantaggio da questa debolezza americana.
→ Bbc. 2018-11-17. Florida election: Democrat Andrew Gillum concedes to Ron DeSantis
Democrat Andrew Gillum has admitted defeat to his Republican rival in the race to be named Florida’s governor – for the second time.
Mr Gillum, who hoped to be Florida’s first black governor, congratulated Ron DeSantis in a tweet, 10 days after he first conceded the 6 November election.
He withdrew the initial concession after Mr DeSantis’s lead narrowed to 0.41%, triggering a recount.
A recount has also been ordered in Florida’s Senate race.
Unofficial results revealed Republican former governor Rick Scott was leading Democrat Bill Nelson by just 0.15% for a seat in the US Senate.
Florida is a well-known swing state and has a history of close elections, so the slim margins are not a major surprise.
‘Bring Florida together’
Taking to Twitter on Saturday night, Mr Gillum – the mayor of state capital Tallahassee – paid tribute to his team, thanked voters and vowed to “keep fighting”.
Mr DeSantis – a staunch supporter of US President Donald Trump and his policies – replied to the tweets, saying it was now “time to bring Florida together”.
The recount has been controversial. Mr Trump and Republicans have claimed voter fraud without offering any evidence.
Mr Trump had also said there was “a lot of dishonesty” over contested votes. Again, he offered no evidence.
→ The New York Times. 2018-11-17. Stacey Abrams Ends Fight for Georgia Governor With Harsh Words for Her Rival
ATLANTA — Stacey Abrams ended her Democratic bid to become governor of Georgia on Friday, acknowledging that she did not have the votes to beat her Republican rival, Brian Kemp, but sounding a defiant note by declaring that an “erosion of our democracy” had kept many of her backers from the polls.
The narrow defeat of Ms. Abrams, who would have become the first black woman to be elected governor anywhere in the United States, as well as the apparent loss of Andrew Gillum, who sought to become Florida’s first black governor, at once illuminated the vestiges of Southern history and demonstrated how demographic changes have taken hold across the region and begun to reshape its politics.
The two candidates ran as unabashed liberals and their strong showings in two pivotal states where Democrats have lately struggled is likely to keep the debate going within the Democratic Party over the best strategy for making gains in 2020. There is significant internal disagreement over which candidates the party ought to put forward and how they should run.
The race between Ms. Abrams and Mr. Kemp pitted two versions of Georgia against one another. Ms. Abrams, 44, represented the diverse future of the state and its capital, Atlanta, home to black colleges and a hub of black political power. Mr. Kemp, 55, who bragged he had a pickup truck big enough to “round up criminal illegals,” played to the state’s rural voters and linked himself with President Trump. In the end, it was enough to allow the Republican Party to maintain its grip on power in Georgia, which has not elected a Democrat as governor since 1998.
Even before Ms. Abrams ended her campaign, Mr. Kemp had been preparing to take control. He declared victory two days after the election and appointed a chief of staff for his transition. He also resigned as secretary of state, ending his oversight of the election in which he was a candidate. When he appeared at the State Capitol last week, he asserted that he had won “a clear and convincing victory” and pledged to “put hard-working Georgians ahead of politics.”
Ms. Abrams ran a type of campaign that modern Georgia had never seen before, relying on turnout among minority and low-frequency voters and championing an unflinchingly progressive message. In turn, she won in Democratic strongholds like Atlanta and Savannah, but also in the vote-rich Atlanta suburbs that were not long ago centers of Republican influence.
While every Southern state has its liberal-leaning cities surrounded by conservative countryside, the divide is particularly pronounced in Georgia because of metropolitan Atlanta’s immensity, its central role in the American civil rights movement, and the rapidly growing number of nonwhite people who have been choosing to live in the city’s sprawling suburbs, which were once destinations for white flight.
Rural Georgia certainly has swaths of racial moderation and iterations of conservatism that are detached from white grievance. But there are also political attitudes, and ways of expressing them, that stand in stark contrast to a capital that has long offered itself to the world as a beacon of racial comity.
Rural Georgia is a place where the Confederate flag, for complex reasons, is still embraced by many white residents as a proud symbol of heritage. And some still display it as an overt symbol of white supremacy. “We’re at least a pink state, if not a purple state,” said Charles S. Bullock III, a professor of political science at the University of Georgia, of the close turnout. “Part of that is the demographic change that the Democrats have been counting on.”
As recently as the late 1990s, Professor Bullock said, white Georgians cast roughly three-quarters of the state’s votes. In 2016, that figure fell closer to 60 percent. And he said he would be unsurprised if the white share of the vote in this year’s balloting turned out to be even lower.
Ms. Abrams, while acknowledging Friday that she could not win, did not concede either.
“More than 200 years into Georgia’s democratic experiment, the state failed its voters,” Ms. Abrams said, her voice alternating among anguish, contempt, frustration and outrage as she argued that “eight years of systemic disenfranchisement, disinvestment and incompetence had its desired effect on the electoral process in Georgia.”
Still, it was the closest race for governor in Georgia since 1966. Ms. Abrams came within 18,000 votes of forcing a runoff, and about 55,000 votes of winning outright, in an election that drew almost four million ballots.
“Let’s be clear: This is not a speech of concession because concession means to acknowledge an action is right, true or proper,” Ms. Abrams said amid a blistering attack on Mr. Kemp’s record as the state’s chief elections regulator and on the balloting process in Georgia. “As a woman of conscience and faith, I cannot concede that.”
As Ms. Abrams ended her campaign, she returned to a theme that had surfaced throughout: that Mr. Kemp, who was the Georgia secretary of state until the Thursday after the election, had used his position to suppress voting and ease his path into the governor’s mansion.
Although she pledged to pray for Mr. Kemp, she also uncorked a bracing indictment of his tenure as secretary of state, including the election last week. She excoriated a system, overseen by Mr. Kemp and legions of local officials, that left voters lawfully purged from the rolls, waiting in the rain and facing rejections of their ballots for arbitrary reasons.
“Georgia citizens tried to exercise their constitutional rights and were still denied the ability to elect their leaders,” she said. “Under the watch of the now former secretary of state, democracy failed Georgians of every political party, every race, every region. Again.”
Mr. Kemp, who has defended his time as secretary of state and rebuffed Democratic attacks that he was an “architect of suppression,” did not respond directly to Ms. Abrams’s critiques on Friday night.
“The election is over and hardworking Georgians are ready to move forward,” Mr. Kemp said in a statement. “We can no longer dwell on the divisive politics of the past but must focus on Georgia’s bright and promising future.”
The race presented residents with starkly different personalities, policies and visions for the nation’s eighth-most populous state. In turn, the contest drew enormous attention and money, with more than $65 million in spending, including the primaries, and about 2.1 million early votes, easily breaking state records.
Mr. Kemp vowed to cut regulations and crack down on undocumented immigrants. He captured the Republican nomination in a July runoff, bolstered by Mr. Trump’s support and by provocative television ads in which he brandished a shotgun at a teenager (to underscore his support for gun rights) and promised to round up “criminal illegals” in his pickup truck.
His proposals, though sometimes vague, thrilled conservatives: a “Track and Deport” plan that would “create a comprehensive database to track criminal aliens in Georgia;” new limits on the state’s budget, sustaining the government’s efforts to lure major economic projects; and an intensified focus on stopping gang activity.
He had not been the Republican establishment’s first choice — the retiring Republican governor, Nathan Deal, endorsed one of Mr. Kemp’s primary rivals before eventually offering his full-throated backing — and his hard-right tone sent waves of concern through the Georgia business community, which wields enormous influence.
Ms. Abrams, a Yale-educated tax lawyer raised by civil rights activists in coastal Mississippi, ran largely as an unapologetic liberal, promising to expand Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act as a way to address the state’s acute rural health care problem.
Though she seemed most comfortable talking policy, her allies emphasized her place in the broader context of Southern history. In a campaign appearance, the television personality Oprah Winfrey spoke of the indignities suffered by nonwhite Georgians in the days of Jim Crow, saying that failing to vote now would be “disrespecting and disregarding” those ancestors.
And Democrats invested enormous hopes in Ms. Abrams’s candidacy, betting that she would allow the party to rebound from a string of defeats in Georgia.
Each side in the race tried to paint the other as extremist. Mr. Trump called Ms. Abrams “one of the most extreme far-left politicians in the entire country” and said she would “have Georgia turn into Venezuela.” Democrats said Mr. Kemp’s shotgun ad showed him to be “reckless” and “irresponsible.”
But the issue that seemed to electrify voters most in the final weeks was voting access, a particularly sensitive matter because Mr. Kemp was still overseeing elections.
Two days before the election, Mr. Kemp’s office announced, citing scant evidence, that it was opening an inquiry into the state Democratic Party after what the office called “a failed attempt to hack the state’s voter registration system.” Democrats denied any wrongdoing and called the announcement a political stunt.
But Mr. Kemp’s record still gave Ms. Abrams’s campaign a rallying cry even after the polls closed: “Count every vote,” her campaign manager repeatedly told the television cameras, asserting that it was not yet time for Ms. Abrams to concede.
On Friday evening in Atlanta, Ms. Abrams held true to that.
“I don’t want to hold public office if I have to scheme my way into the post because the title of governor isn’t nearly as important as our shared title — voters,” she said. “And that is why we fight on.”