Giuseppe Sandro Mela.
Più che storia contemporanea sembrerebbe di dover leggere la cartella clinica di uno schizofrenico delirante.
I media liberal e socialisti ideologici continuano a scrivere imperterriti come se avessero vinto le elezioni, mentre invece le hanno perso, ed alla grande.
Non solo. Continuano a considerare con sufficienza i vincitori delle elezioni, come se fossero dei poveri minus habens: non condividono infatti l’ideologia liberal e socialista.
Non si rassegnano alla realtà che gli Elettori abbiano negato loro il voto: il popolo bue non li avrebbe compresi.
Una supponenza già fastidiosa in chi avesse vinto la competizione alle urne, che sfocia nel patologico quando invece si è perso, e perso alla grande.
Quando a suo tempo i liberal andarono al potere, cacciarono via a pedate tutti i giornalisti che non condividevano le loro opinioni e li sostituirono con persone di provata fede ideologica.
Stiamo parlando della Österreichischer Rundfunk’s (ORF), emittente pubblica. Più specificatamente, essa è proprietà del Governo Austriaco.
Se è del tutto ragionevole che il governo in carica gradisca avere nell’emittente di sua proprietà persone fidate, è del tutto discutibile il modo allora usato per mettere all’uscio i non liberal.
Per libertà di stampa si intende il fatto che ogni persona fisica o giuridica possa pubblicare a stampa o con mezzi idonei le proprie idee, restando nei limiti concessi dalle leggi.
La libertà di stampa non implica che il giornalista sia assunto a vita come fosse un Magistrato, né tanto meno che dal pulpito pubblico possa pontificare contro il Governo eletto e contro gli interessi nazionali. La libertà di stampa è di chi paghi per la stampa stessa.
Questo concetto è stato ribadito persino da Mr Macron
«If something puts the chief of the armed forces at odds with the president of the republic, the chief of the armed forces changes» [The New York Times]
Orbene: se questo principio vale per il Capo di Stato Maggiore, a maggior ragione dovrebbe valere per un pennivendolo.
«- The ORF was “biased” in its reporting of the recent parliamentary election in Hungary, which was won by the right-wing nationalist incumbent Viktor Orban.
– Foreign correspondents who “do not behave correctly” would risk losing their jobs.
– ORF journalists who violate the company’s social media guideline “will receive a warning — and then be dismissed.”»
* * * * * * *
L’idea di continuare a fare propaganda liberal mantenuti, ed anche bene, dal Governo ai liberal contrario, è davvero del tutto pellegrina. Solo un liberal avrebbe potuto pensarla.
Da alcuni punti di vista li possiamo ben comprendere. Si erano scavati una loro cuccia, come i mycobacteria tuberculosis dentro un polmone. Avevano stipendi galattici e tutti li riverivano. Adesso si profila per loro lo spettro della disoccupazione e del pubblico ostracismo: dovranno lavorare per vivere, magari come braccianti nelle piantagioni di rape, sempre che qualcuno li assuma.
In breve: saranno trattati per come hanno trattato: e questo li terrorizza.
Ma i dolori dei liberal mica che siano finiti qui.
«We want a restrictive asylum policy»
«Homeland instead of Islam»
«Occident under Christian control»
«Kickl drew backlash for demanding asylum seekers be “concentrated” in one place»
«Kickl demanded a bold step be taken in European asylum law last week by saying he wants no new asylum applications to be made on European soil»
«Austria’s young chancellor underwent a radical transformation from centrism to the right»
Vero. Verissimo. Il mondo ha abbandonato l’ideologia liberal e quella socialista.
Adesso resta soltanto che si razionalizzino i fatti e se ne traggano le conseguenze.
→ Deutsche Welle. 2018-04-19. Austria shifts further to the right with hardline asylum policy
Austria’s far-right FPÖ is still adjusting to its new role in government, moderating its language but not its positions. The party’s anti-immigrant stance still seems to resonate with many people in the country.
Austrian Interior Minister Herbert Kickl, a member of Austria’s far-right Freedom Party (FPÖ) who was once notorious for his provocative language, has become almost unrecognizably tame. On Wednesday, he presented the country’s new asylum law to journalists in a sober, factual press conference. The new legislation, Kickl said, closes loopholes in the asylum process, just as the government promised it would do. “We want a restrictive asylum policy,” he said.
Only once did Kickl revert to his old self when he said he hoped those seeing integration through rose colored glasses would soon come to their senses. In the past, Kickl’s talent as a polemicist had him writing speeches and coining catchy phrases for former FPÖ leader Jörg Haider. And his knack for controversial slogans like “Homeland instead of Islam” and “Occident under Christian control” helped his party’s current leader, Heinz-Christian Strache, win one election after another.
After years in the opposition, the FPÖ joined with Chancellor Sebastian Kurz’s conservative Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) in December as junior partners in a coalition government. Both the party and Kickl are still getting used to this new role as they seek to tone down the hardline rhetoric that helped put them in power. In January, Kickl drew backlash for demanding asylum seekers be “concentrated” in one place. Since then, he has become more cautious with his words. That restraint has not extended to his policies, however. The FPÖ has always focused on migration and asylum issues, and now many Austrians regard the party’s tough stance no longer as extreme but appropriate. Kickl’s announcement that the country’s asylum law will be made much tougher barely made headlines in Austria.
Vienna-based political consultant Thomas Hofer told DW he thinks the government “is doing the right thing judging by prevailing public opinion.” There’s further evidence to support his analysis. Austria’s opposition is conspicuously silent, possibly because the country is doing what some states within Germany are already doing, including forcing asylum-seekers to hand over their cash on arrival and analyzing geodata saved on their smart phones to reconstruct their travel routes.
Requesting Austrian hospitals and doctors to report how long asylum-seekers are undergoing treatment, however, seems to be a more controversial issue. The Austrian Medical Chamber has warned that divulging such information could breach doctor-patient confidentiality.
Other than that, criticism has remained muted, even after Kickl demanded a bold step be taken in European asylum law last week by saying he wants no new asylum applications to be made on European soil. This demand, too, will probably gain the backing of most Austrians. A study on the parliamentary elections in October 2017 showed that ÖVP and FPÖ supporters in particular care most about migration and integration issues.
Accordingly, the new ÖVP-FPÖ coalition government swiftly went about addressing this policy area within the first few months in power. Aside from a tougher stance on asylum seekers, the government plans to ban headscarves for girls in kindergarten and primary school and it has drastically cut the integration budget. “These are quick wins for the government,” said Hofer. “It appeals to both parties’ clientele.”
A shift to the right
In 1993, policies like these would not have found much support. Back then, the former FPÖ leader Haider initiated an “Austria First” petition listing 12 demands, including a call to immediately stop all immigration. Austria’s Social Democrats (SPÖ) and the ÖVP fiercely rejected the petition, and some 250,000 demonstrators took to the streets to protest against Haider and the FPÖ. It was Austria’s largest post-war protest.
Ultimately, only 8 percent of the electorate backed Haider’s petition — a major defeat. Today, some of the policies outlined in that document are already in place, and the government intends to go further. It plans to open classes for students who don’t speak German well enough, for instance. “The FPÖ has managed to gets all its proposals implemented,” said Hofer.
During last year’s election campaign Sebastian Kurz’s ÖVP notably shifted to the right. So much in fact that the far-right FPÖ began urging voters to “stick to the original” on its campaign posters.
Austria’s young chancellor underwent a radical transformation from centrism to the right in the summer of 2015, when large numbers of asylum seekers were entering the country. Serving as the country’s foreign minister, he had initially stressed the importance of a “welcome culture.” In 2013, he rejected an FPÖ bill in parliament proposing a Burqa ban, dismissing the move as reflecting an “artificial debate.”
Yet later on, he became the political antagonist to German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s open door refugee policy. And in 2017, Kurz played an important part in pushing through Austria’s burqa ban, which, incidentally, was passed by the country’s then grand coalition lead by SPÖ Chancellor Christian Kern. “Austria’s entire political spectrum shifted to the right, including the Social Democrats” after Haider’s unsuccessful petition in 1993, said Hofer.
A stable coalition?
There still are many in Kurz’s ÖVP who have major issues with the FPÖ. But so far, only Austria’s influential state governors, such as Tyrol’s Günther Platter, have publicly commented on the FPÖ. Austria’s government has remained silent even though FPÖ members in the coalition have provoked one scandal after another, including when it emerged that party members belonged to fraternities with songbooks containing anti-Semitic lyrics.
“Granted, the ÖVP will occasionally be appalled by the FPÖ. But maintaining a harmonious working relationship will remain a priority,” said Hofer. And both parties certainly see eye-to-eye when it comes Austria’s tough migration policy, an issue where they can demonstrate their shared worldview. Chancellor Kurz has also announced future reforms in other areas, including social policy, a topic where the ÖVP and FPÖ traditionally target a different audiences. The far-right party generally advocates on behalf of the “common man”, while the conservatives tend to favor the wealthy. These reforms will show just how stable the coalition really is, and whether the former FPÖ rabble-rousers really become more moderate.
→ Deutsche Welle. 2018-04-19. Austria plans to toughen asylum policy, ease deportations
The bill would allow authorities to seize refugees’ cash and phones, as well as speed up deportations. The government said the harsher measures were designed to fight illegal migration and asylum abuse.
Austria’s government on Wednesday proposed harsher asylum measures, including seizing refugees’ mobile phones to see where they came from and threatening the deportation of minors who commit crimes.
The measures in the bill were approved by the cabinet, as Chancellor Sebastian Kurz’s conservatives and his far-right Freedom Party (FPÖ) coalition partner seek to make good on promises to take a harder line on illegal migration.
“We have very deliberately set ourselves the goal of fighting against illegal migration, and also against the misuse of asylum,” Kurz told a news conference.
Searching phones, handing over cash
Among the proposed measures, which still need to be passed through parliament, asylum seekers would have to hand over up to 840 euros ($1,040) to pay for asylum processing.
Asylum seekers would also be made to hand in data devices and mobile phones to check their identity, determine where they came from, and check to see if they have committed any crimes. Those that first arrived in another EU country could be deported back there under the EU’s so-called Dublin rules.
Interior Minister Herbert Kickl of the FPÖ called it the most “restrictive asylum policy as possible.”
Austria received 150,000 asylum applications following the migration crisis of 2015, or about 1.7 percent of the population of 8.7 million. Asylum applications have since fallen. Migration was a major theme of last year’s election.
Other measures proposed in the bill include making it faster to deport asylum seekers who commit crimes, even if they are minors. The plan envisions sending criminals to detention centers for deportation after they serve prison sentences.
The current six years to become a citizen for those who receive asylum would be raised to ten years.
The bill would also require doctors to notify authorities after an asylum seeker received medical treatment.
Rejected asylum seekers or those facing deportation already face restrictions on their movement, but under the proposed law they would now be restricted to the district where they are living until they are returned to another country.
Since 2016, Austria has had a ceiling on the number of asylum seekers accepted. In 2018, the number has been set at 30,000.
→ Deutsche Welle. 2018-04-16. Austria’s far-right FPÖ threatens to fire public broadcaster reporters
Right-wing lawmaker Norbert Steger, who sits on board of public broadcaster ORF, has threatened to ax one third of its foreign correspondents. Steger said he was upset by “biased” reporting on the Hungarian election.
Austrian right-wing lawmaker Norbert Steger threatened on Sunday to dismiss one third of Österreichischer Rundfunk’s (ORF) foreign correspondents, citing displeasure with the public broadcaster’s reporting.
Steger’s attack marks the latest escalation in a month’s long feud between the broadcaster and the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), the junior partner in Austria’s governing coalition.
Steger’s threats against the public broadcaster
In an interview with Austria’s Salzburger Nachrichten newspaper, Steger said:
– The ORF was “biased” in its reporting of the recent parliamentary election in Hungary, which was won by the right-wing nationalist incumbent Viktor Orban.
– Foreign correspondents who “do not behave correctly” would risk losing their jobs.
– ORF journalists who violate the company’s social media guideline “will receive a warning — and then be dismissed.”
‘A new low in media policy’
Alexander Wrabetz, the General director of ORF, promptly responded to Steger’s remarks, tweeting: “16 ORF offices are an indispensable, highly valued pillar of international reporting on TV, radio and online.”
ORF editorial board member Dieter Bornemann described the attacks on the broadcaster by its own supervisory body as “a new low in media policy.”
Armin Wolf, one of ORF’s most well-known television presenters, said that it was not within the board’s remit to deliver warnings or dismiss individual reporters. “Great idea letting party representatives judge what qualifies as ‘objective.’ An idea possibly inspired by Hungary.”
ORF’s feud with the far-right: ORF is in the process of suing the country’s far-right Vice Chancellor Heinz-Christian Strache for defamation, after he posted a picture on Facebook accusing the broadcaster of publishing “lies.” Wolf, whose photo was used in the post, has also launched separate legal proceedings against the vice chancellor. Strache later removed the post and issued an apology, saying comments were “satire.”
FPÖ calls for ORF reforms: Despite legal action, Strache has continued to accuse the ORF of exhibiting left-wing bias in its reporting. His FPÖ party, meanwhile, have long campaigned to do away with the licensing free that funds the broadcaster.
Links between FPÖ and Orban: Steger’s displeasure with the reporting of last week’s Hungarian election came as little surprise. The FPÖ and Orban’s Fidesz party share close ties and are united by their strong opposition towards immigration.
More powers for Steger? The FPÖ lawmaker sits on the ORF’s oversight board, which is handpicked by the government, and is among the candidates in talks to eventually head the committee.