Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Islamizzazione dell'Occidente, Ong - Ngo

Francia. Macron. La nuova legge sui migranti non prevede la pena di morte.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.


sgomberi parigi

Liberal, socialisti ideologici, cattocomunisti, e membri del ngo si acquietino: la nuova legge del Presidente Marcon non prevede che gli immigrati siano fucilati a vista.

Si dovrebbe apprezzare la sua fine sensibilità ecologica che gli impedisce di far sporcare i selciati delle strade con il sangue degli immigrati.


La avesse promulgata Mr Jarosław Kaczyński, questi sarebbe stato subito bollato come ‘nazista’, ‘nazionalista’, ‘populista’, ‘xenofobo’, ‘razzista’, e per fare buon peso, anche ‘omofobo’ e ‘codino’, frutto dell’oscurantismo medievale.

Siccome la ha fatta Mr Macron, invece

«the new legislation is totally in line with European law»


«It’s not forbidden to put a little humanity into a draft law.”»


«The new legislation includes plans to:

– Introduce fines of €3,750 ($4,620) or a 1-year jail term for people who illegally cross borders within the EU

– Double the time asylum-seekers can be held in detention to 90 days

– Halve the amount of the time asylum-seekers have to appeal if their refugee status is denied

– Hasten the deportation of those asylum-seekers deemed to be economic migrants

– Cut the average waiting time on asylum applications from 11 months to six»


«The centrist government has insisted the new legislation is totally in line with European law»


«The new legislation would criminalize illegal border crossings»

* * *

Avesse fatto questa legge Mr Orban oppure la Polonia l’Unione Europea sarebbe insorta e li avrebbe invasi militarmente.

Il problema di Mr Macron è riassumibile in poche righe: in fondo in fondo sono solo due concetti.

«Centrist upstart Macron came to power in May in an election that saw his far-right opponent Marine Le Pen ride concerns over immigration to a record 34 percent of the vote.»


«A 2013 poll by Harris Interactive — before the Charlie Hebdo and November 2015 terrorist attacks, before the refugee wave, which further inflamed tensions — on French people’s views on religious communities gave astonishing results: 73 percent of respondents said they have a negative view of Islam, 90 percent said wearing the Islamic headscarf is “incompatible with life in French society,” and 63 percent think praying five times a day is also incompatible ….

France’s mass unemployment disproportionately hits underqualified French Muslims» [Bloomberg]

* * * * * * *

Andiamo al sodo.

Mr Macron ha lucidamente presente come una cosa sia il vincere fortunosamente una Presidenza, ed una completamente differente sia il mantenerla. La lezione di Mr Hollande, il cui partito è passato in un amen dal 63% all’8%, gli è rimasta ben piantata nella memoria.

Tra un anno e mezzo si terranno le elezioni regionali: in quelle del 2015 il Front National dimostrò essere il primo partito di Francia con il 27.73% dei voti. È una quota che può sicuramente essere neutralizzata con una legge elettorale che favorisca la conventio ad excludendum, ma che potrebbe anche crescere quel tanto che basta da prendersi il governo.


Liberal, socialisti ideologici, cattocomunisti, e membri del ngo stanno piangendo lacrime di ranno. Mr Macron sta attuando semplicemente i piani elettorali dei tanto vilipesi populisti. Porta via loro la pappina buona.

E se ne vanta pure.

Macron Aims to Keep Migrants, and Far Right, at Bay in France [The New York Times]

«PARIS — European countries from Poland to Italy and Britain are shutting borders, stepping up deportations and making unsavory deals with warlords in Libya to restrict migrants. Now comes France’s turn.

The government of President Emmanuel Macron this week put forward a draft law that even some of his own supporters said was too harsh. Human rights groups say it is intended to make it easier to expel would-be asylum seekers.

But in presenting the proposal this week, Mr. Macron’s interior minister, Gerard Collomb, made no bones about its other aim: to head off the political challenge of the far right.

The migrant issue “is a problem that can lead to difficulties” — meaning political difficulties — he told reporters on Wednesday, before getting into the details of the law.»


Macron reform of migration laws ‘dangerous’: French president’s proposals ‘lack dignity’ [Express]

«President Emmanuel Macron’s new immigration policy is “unbalanced” and “potentially dangerous,” a spokesperson for France’s Socialist Party said on Wednesday.

The centrist government has insisted the new legislation is totally “in line with European law”.

However, others have labelled it extreme.

Socialist party coordinator Rachid Temal said: “The new immigration and asylum bill proposed during today’s cabinet meeting is obviously unbalanced and potentially dangerous.

“Although some of the changes are a step in the right direction, the key measures [contained in the bill] constitute a violation of civil rights and of the right of defence. [The measures] weaken the right to asylum – which is something the government had pledged to defend – and break with France’s tradition of refugee protection.

“This text focuses on controlling migration flows by dissuading migrants from seeking asylum in France. But it does not focus on dignity and on the need to improve the protection of migrants.”

The left-wing senator continued, adding that his party would suggest amendments to modify the bill.

The controversial law, which was put to parliament on Wednesday, will double to 90 days the time in which illegal immigrants can be detained, shorten deadlines to apply for asylum from 120 to 90 days and make illegal border crossings an offence punishable by one year in prison and fines.»


Macron’s ‘repressive’ migrant law faces rough ride in parliament [The Local]

«After France processed a record 100,000 asylum applications last year, Macron vowed to grant asylum faster but also to deport economic migrants more swiftly, while better integrating those who stay.

The new law will be presented to his cabinet Wednesday ahead of parliamentary debates that promise to be stormy, with migrant charities and left-wingers blasting the bill as repressive.

Staff at France’s asylum court and the Ofpra refugee protection office are even set to strike Wednesday over a law that unions have blasted as “an unquestionable break with France’s tradition of asylum”.

Centrist upstart Macron came to power in May in an election that saw his far-right opponent Marine Le Pen ride concerns over immigration to a record 34 percent of the vote.»


France presents new immigration bill [Deutsche Welle]

«The new legislation would criminalize illegal border crossings but aims to cut the waiting time on asylum applications. Migrant rights groups have called for the bill to be withdrawn, labeling it “too repressive.” ….

The new legislation includes plans to:

– Introduce fines of €3,750 ($4,620) or a 1-year jail term for people who illegally cross borders within the EU

– Double the time asylum-seekers can be held in detention to 90 days

– Halve the amount of the time asylum-seekers have to appeal if their refugee status is denied

– Hasten the deportation of those asylum-seekers deemed to be economic migrants

– Cut the average waiting time on asylum applications from 11 months to six»


The Guardian. 2018-02-22. This migrant crackdown has exposed the brutal limits of Macron’s liberalism

His assertion that ‘France is back’ rings hollow: you can’t lead the world into a liberal era while punishing refugees at home


On Wednesday the French minister of the interior, Gérard Collomb, presented the details of a heavily trailed new law on immigration to Emmanuel Macron’s cabinet. Given the long buildup to this announcement – with the government adopting a resolutely “firm” posture on immigration – the details outlined will come as little surprise. But they can teach us about the brutal limits of liberalism that Macron’s politics embody so immaculately.

The new law plays on an old trope: it is framed in terms that entrench the division between “asylum seekers” and “economic migrants”. This division, so flippantly cited by the political class and yet so difficult to distinguish in law, will be reinforced by a tightening of the right to asylum. And yet, ultimately, the changes announced will be worse for all migrants.

Emmanuel Macron unveils plans to crack down on immigration

The law is also intended to bring France into line with its European partners – greater European integration being one of Macron’s leitmotifs. In his announcement to the press, Collomb made no attempt to dress this up as anything other than what it is: a race to the bottom. “It is totally necessary – regarding countries like Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, or Sweden – that we have the same types of procedures. Because if you don’t have the same types of procedures, clearly, one looks at where it is easiest to gain asylum, and then everyone goes to that country.” One would be hard pressed to paint a more discouraging portrait of the politics of the European Union.

The key measures outlined in the new law are as follows. First, the government is proposing to speed up asylum procedures. The amount of time people have to apply for asylum will be reduced from 120 days to 90. Those whose cases are rejected will see the time they have to appeal against the decision cut in half, from 30 days to 15. This has a particularly Macronesque touch: it is intended to show that the government is accelerating the process for “deserving” asylum seekers while cracking down on the rest – in other words, it hopes to add a gloss of just efficiency to an otherwise punitive set of measures. In reality, this change will probably make things harder for asylum seekers by reducing the amount of time they have to pull together a coherent case.

Second, the maximum length of time spent in a detention centre will be doubled, from 45 to 90 days. This measure is cruel in its sheer futility: it is proved to have no bearing on the government’s stated aim – itself reprehensible – of deporting more people (the idea being that it will give the authorities more time to reach an agreement with the detainee’s home country).

As pointed out by France’s foremost migrant charity, La Cimade, the previous increase from 30 to 45 days in 2011 saw a decrease in the number deportations. Furthermore, France deports substantially more people than the UK or Germany, despite the fact that people can be detained for as long as 18 months in those two countries. Tripling the length of detention is purely performative, to demonstrate the state’s stringency, and the only real effect will be to increase suffering.

Finally, the new law includes a range of measures to dissuade migrants from entering France and make it easier for them to be deported when they do so. Border patrols will be given new powers to carry out checks in migrant and homeless shelters. Police will be given longer to summarily deport people before being obliged to bring them before a judge. The length of time that suspected illegal immigrants can be detained in police stations will be increased from 16 hours to 24 hours. And prison sentences will be introduced for certain cases – one year for entering the country without using a recognised border crossing and five years for using fake identification papers.

These measures have been widely criticised by policy experts as well as those working on the ground to help new arrivals. Migrants, supported by students, have occupied university buildings in Nantes, Grenoble, Lyon and Paris in defiance of the government’s hard line. Lawyers and administrative staff of the national asylum court are on strike for the eighth day running. But the criticism has not stopped there. The unity of Macron’s own party, En Marche, has been shaken, with several deputies expressing concerns in the lead-up to the announcements on 21 February. In the press, Macron is being presented as tougher on immigration than Sarkozy – which on paper, if not in rhetoric, is incontestable.

Why, then, is Macron pursuing such a policy? The simple answer lies in opinion polls, which suggest that French voters want more border controls. But such explanations miss the bigger picture. Up until now, the political direction of Macron’s presidency has paid little attention to polling or public opinion: just look at the way he rammed through unpopular reforms to French labour law via a series of top-down ordinances.

This policy is neither an electoral calculation nor an unfortunate pragmatic necessity – it must stem from Macron’s own convictions. Liberalism has a long history of drawing sharp lines between those who get to enjoy the fruits of freedom and equality and those who do not.

This can be observed in France’s history. At certain rare moments, the idea of France – inherited from the French revolution of 1789 – as self-declared universal beacon of human rights, entailed stretching the concept of the nation to breaking point. In his magisterial account of the Haitian slave revolution of 1791, The Black Jacobins, CLR James describes how liberty and equality, the watchwords of the French revolution, crossed borders indiscriminately, spreading like wildfire through Haiti and beyond. It was the forefathers of modern-day liberalism that consistently sought to rein in this revolutionary process by attempting to exclude certain categories of people – “mulattoes”, slaves – from the freshly declared Rights of Man.

Macron’s new immigration law places him in this tradition of exclusionary French liberalism. It represents a shrinking from the universal role that France has so long imagined for itself – and that Macron seemed so keen to rekindle (with a sprinkling of Silicon Valley jargon for good measure). His recent assertion – “France is back” – rings hollow. One cannot lead the world into a new liberal era while punishing migrants and refugees in one’s own backyard. In doing so, Macron has exposed the meagre confines of his humanism, and shown how liberalism, in drawing a sharp line at the border, falls short on the most basic questions of solidarity.