Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Senza categoria, Unione Europea

Macron. Ci costerà un bel pacco di euro. – Bloomberg

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2017-05-14.

Duello Giochi-di-Carnasciale-Scherma-medievale

«How much will Macron cost us?»

Ecco cosa sta pensando la pitonessa Bundeskanzlerin Frau Merkel mentre abbraccia il confratello Macron.

Germany’s Enthusiasm for Macron Won’t Last

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La luna di miele franco-tedesca sembrerebbe essere finita ancor prima di essere incominciata.

Uniti come i ladri di Pisa quando c’era da combattere un nemico inesistente, Mrs Marine Le Pen, iniziano a guardarsi con sospetto su come dividere un bottino che non c’è.

Al di là dei sorrisi formali, Merkel e Macron sembrerebbero tutti intenti ad affilare acciari, brandi, durlindane, daghe e stocchi, senza ovviamente trascurare la punta delle misericordie e la tempratura del Panzerbrecher.

Sono aperte le scommesse su chi per primo riuscirà a pugnalare alla schiena l’amico/a che avranno calorosamente abbracciato.

Molto dipenderà dall’esito delle elezioni parlamentari che si terranno il mese entrante in Francia ed a settembre in Germania. Ma il conto da pagare potrebbe benissimo arrivare sul tavolo degli italiani.

«In the five coming years, I’ll fight so that everywhere in the European Union our freedoms and fundamental rights are scrupulously respected»

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«We also need a Europe that protects … workers, employees, protects craftsmen as well as academics»

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«underline his determination to refashion European political discussion as the continent moves beyond its sovereign-debt crisis and looks ahead to life as 27-nation bloc after the U.K. leaves»

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«The 39-year-old president-elect’s European views are already sparking debate in Germany»

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«Bild newspaper ran a headline Tuesday asking “How much will Macron cost us?”»

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«Germany’s Social Democrats have struck the opposite pose, saying Macron’s arrival requires a new approach»

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«the time of financial orthodoxy and finger-wagging must finally end»

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«We cannot have a Europe that debates budgetary questions to a decimal place and then do nothing about member countries that behave like Poland or Hungary … We can’t have a country that exploits the disparities in taxes and social security contributions within the European Union while also breaching the principles of the union»

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«Polish Prime Minister Beata Szydlo’s government has repeatedly clashed with the EU over democratic standards and dismissed recommendations made by the bloc over how to restore a functioning constitutional court»

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«Our mission is not to recycle politics, our mission is to create a new political offering …. Valls doesn’t meet the criteria to be a candidate for Republic on the Move, Macron’s party»

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«Macron’s success and the U.K.’s decision to quit the EU present Germany with mutually reinforcing problems. They put the German conception of Europe’s future under pressure»

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«Macron is pro-Europe in the traditional French way: He wants a deeper European Union, with closer integration of fiscal policy in particular»

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«Germany is pro-EU as well, of course, but has generally preferred making the union broader rather than deeper. Its goal has been to spread the blessings of peace and prosperity more widely, and especially to its east, rather than pursuing with French zeal a United States of Europe (to be led, incidentally, by France

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«the creation of the euro — an act of radical economic deepening — was Germany’s great strategic mistake. In effect, it was the price Helmut Kohl paid for French acquiescence to German reunification»

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«In the euro zone, monetary policy cannot work on a country-by-country basis to attenuate the ups and downs of the business cycle»

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«Without targeted monetary stimulus, countries can get trapped for longer, and perhaps indefinitely, with slow growth and high unemployment»

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«German support cannot replace French policy-making»

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Ricapitoliamo.

Gli interessi e le ambizioni francesi sono in rotta di collisione con quelle tedesche.

Al solito, il vero problema non è cosa si voglia, ma come lo si voglia.

E la storia insegna che due galli in un pollaio alla fine si beccano a morte.

Mario e Silla, Pompeo e Cesare, Ottaviano ed Antonio.

“L’Unione Europea è bella, se comando io”.

Nota.

Spiegazione per chi non avesse letto con attenzione ovvero non avesse capito bene. Il conto da pagare di Mr Macron finirà anche sul tavolo dell’Italia.


Bloomberg. 2017-05-10. Macron Flexes Muscle in France as He Demands EU Protect Workers

– French president-elect has highlighted Poland, Hungary

– Germany politicians debate how to respond to Macron election

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President-elect Emmanuel Macron is imposing his authority on the French political class as he begins to stake out his plans for Europe.

Macron on Wednesday rejected an offer of support from former Prime Minister Manuel Valls, his boss in the Francois Hollande government less than a year ago, as he shifted focus to push for more worker protections at the European level.

“In the five coming years, I’ll fight so that everywhere in the European Union our freedoms and fundamental rights are scrupulously respected,” Macron said late Tuesday in a video released on social media. “We also need a Europe that protects — that protects workers, employees, protects craftsmen as well as academics.”

The remarks were Macron’s first since his victory speeches on Sunday night and underline his determination to refashion European political discussion as the continent moves beyond its sovereign-debt crisis and looks ahead to life as 27-nation bloc after the U.K. leaves.

French bond spreads have almost halved since Macron won the first round of the presidential election on April 23. The extra yield investors demand to hold French 10-year bonds instead of German bunds fell by 1 basis point at 11:45 a.m. on Wednesday to 42 basis points.

Germans Divided

The 39-year-old president-elect’s European views are already sparking debate in Germany. As politicians in Europe’s biggest economy gear up for their own national elections in September, Bild newspaper ran a headline Tuesday asking “How much will Macron cost us?” Germany’s Social Democrats have struck the opposite pose, saying Macron’s arrival requires a new approach.

German Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel set the tone in a statement eight minutes after polls closed in France on Sunday, saying “the time of financial orthodoxy and finger-wagging must finally end.” Merkel, responding at a Monday news conference, said Germany is ready to help “wherever possible” but France needs to take the lead in overhauling its economy.

Macron is due to meet Merkel next week after his inauguration on May 14.

For Macron, the European question is both a matter of conviction and political necessity. A turning point in his campaign was a confrontation with workers at a French Whirlpool factory that is being shut down so that production can be moved to lower-cost Poland.

“We cannot have a Europe that debates budgetary questions to a decimal place and then do nothing about member countries that behave like Poland or Hungary,” he said in an interview published in La Voix du Nord newspaper the day after his visit. “We can’t have a country that exploits the disparities in taxes and social security contributions within the European Union while also breaching the principles of the union.”

‘No Recycling’

Polish Prime Minister Beata Szydlo’s government has repeatedly clashed with the EU over democratic standards and dismissed recommendations made by the bloc over how to restore a functioning constitutional court. Szydlo has promised to take Poland, the biggest net recipient of EU aid, out of what she called the “European mainstream” and pursue its national interests in Brussels. Her government rejected Macron’s charges.

At home Macron has also vowed to renew politics. With that in mind, his party rejected Valls’s request to stand for parliament under its banner. Macron served as a minister in Valls’s Socialist government for two years through August 2016.

“Our mission is not to recycle politics, our mission is to create a new political offering,” Jean-Paul Delevoye, head of the party’s selection committee said Wednesday on Europe 1 radio. Valls doesn’t meet the criteria to be a candidate for Republic on the Move, Macron’s party, he said.

The party has already chosen about 500 of the 577 candidates and plans to publish a full list Thursday. Macron has said that half the candidates will be women and half will be new to politics office holders.

Jean-Luc Melenchon, who missed out on the presidential runoff by 620,000 votes, said his France Unbowed movement has failed to reach an accord with the Communist Party and will present its own full slate of candidates in the parliamentary election. He’s likely to run for a seat in Marseille, he told RMC Radio.


Bloomberg. 2017-05-10. Germany’s Enthusiasm for Macron Won’t Last

When German Chancellor Angela Merkel congratulated Emmanuel Macron on his “magnificent” victory over Marine Le Pen in the French presidential election, there was no reason to doubt her sincerity. President Le Pen would have been such a disaster for Europe that the Brexit calamity would have seemed trivial in comparison.

Even so, Macron’s success and the U.K.’s decision to quit the EU present Germany with mutually reinforcing problems. They put the German conception of Europe’s future under pressure.

Macron is pro-Europe in the traditional French way: He wants a deeper European Union, with closer integration of fiscal policy in particular. Germany is pro-EU as well, of course, but has generally preferred making the union broader rather than deeper. Its goal has been to spread the blessings of peace and prosperity more widely, and especially to its east, rather than pursuing with French zeal a United States of Europe (to be led, incidentally, by France).

Seen in this light, the creation of the euro — an act of radical economic deepening — was Germany’s great strategic mistake. In effect, it was the price Helmut Kohl paid for French acquiescence to German reunification, but German voters were never in favor of the single currency, rightly suspecting its constitutional implications. In case anybody needed reminding, Macron spelled these out during his campaign.

To work well, a single-currency area needs a prominent fiscal dimension. In the euro zone, monetary policy cannot work on a country-by-country basis to attenuate the ups and downs of the business cycle. Without targeted monetary stimulus, countries can get trapped for longer, and perhaps indefinitely, with slow growth and high unemployment. Fiscal policy has to be brought to bear. Yet, at Germany’s insistence, the EU’s Stability and Growth Pact, imposing limits on deficit spending and public debt, makes this difficult. And Germany has consistently resisted the idea of a “transfer union”; the European Union’s budget amounts to a mere 1 percent of the total income of its 28 member states.  

Now that the euro exists, dismantling it would be a financial nightmare, so economic logic strongly favors a more deeply integrated EU. Macron gets that. He has talked about an EU budget ministry and centrally coordinated public investment financed with eurobonds, presumably with an EU guarantee. He’s right — but that’s exactly what Germany doesn’t want. Magnificent as she believed the election result to be, Merkel was quick to add that “German support cannot replace French policy-making,” and her officials said Germany wouldn’t be dropping its longstanding opposition to eurobonds.

Macron fought Le Pen by calling for more Europe, not less. It’s true that a majority of French citizens count themselves pro-Europe, but compare Macron’s stand with Prime Minister Mark Rutte of the Netherlands, who dealt with the Dutch brand of militant populism by making rhetorical concessions to it. This shows the strength of the French elite’s commitment to deeper integration. If Germany isn’t alarmed about that, it should be.

In resisting these political and economic pressures, Germany used to have an ally in the U.K. Not anymore. The principal skeptic on deeper integration — so skeptical it refused to join the euro system — is no longer around to provide cover for Germany’s reservations and help check France’s ambitions for the union. Almost all of that burden will now fall on Germany.

Merkel’s dilemma will soon be apparent. Macron, with unsteady parliamentary backing at best, will struggle to get his way in Paris — so the French structural reforms that he promised and Merkel is calling for will be hard to deliver. This will raise the political stakes for EU policy reform: Gains in that area will matter more for Macron, yet be harder for Merkel to justify to her own voters. If she continues to resist Macron’s proposals, she’ll embarrass the new president and further inflame French euroskepticism. If she gives way, her own euroskeptics will be energized.

Merkel might come to regret — if she isn’t regretting it already — her failure to help Britain’s David Cameron save face last year. His attempt to wring yet more concessions and special favors from the U.K.’s EU partners was brusquely rebuffed, and Cameron was humiliated. Much to his surprise, rather than accepting this refusal to budge any further, the Brits decided to go, leaving Merkel to make the case against deeper integration without their help. How do you say in German, “You don’t know what you’ve got till it’s gone”?

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Un pensiero riguardo “Macron. Ci costerà un bel pacco di euro. – Bloomberg

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