Pubblicato in: Devoluzione socialismo, Sistemi Politici

L’Occidente analizzato da un Saudita più che scaltro.

Giuseppe Sandro Mela.

2017-01-20.

classe-media-001

Degli Arabi si può dire tutto ciò che si voglia tranne che non siano acuti osservatori di notevole intelligenza.

La scaltrezza araba è proverbiale e l’acutezza dell’articolo allegato lo dimostra appieno.

Potrebbe essere suggeribile, per meglio comprendere, essersi letti almeno i seguenti libri:

Histoire de Yaḥyā ibn Sa´īd d’Antioche, testo arabo e traduzione francese; traduzione italiana. Si noi che Al Antaki era un cattolico che viveva in Siria.

Storici Arabi delle Crociate. Edizione curata dal grande prof. Francesco Gabrieli.

A parere dello scrivente, poche letture sugli Arabi e sull’Islam sono più istruttive di quelle dei loro storici. Sono molto sereni ed obbietivi.

Similmente, per meglio comprendere quanto stia ora accadendo ai liberals americani ed ai socialisti ideologici in Europa sarebbe molto utile rileggersi la meticolosa storia dei giacobini descritta da Pierre Gaxotte. Questo è un testo fondamentale.

La rivoluzione francese.

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«The Brexit result exposed a gulf between Remain-voting metropolitan types and the Leave-backing post-industrial north, just as the US vote revealed divisions between city liberals and rural conservatives»

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«middle-class voters fed up with a political elite ignoring their concerns.»

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«We continually underestimate the silent majority»

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«It was not so much immigration as sovereignty and accountability»

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«A lot of people who study politics and analyze it are part of a metropolitan elite»

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«The liberal elite’s inability to represent many people was held against them»

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«it was alienation, not apathy, that stirred hitherto silent centrists into backing Brexit and Trump»

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«Following the Brexit and Trump votes there are now a plethora of anti-establishment movements in Europe seeking to rise up against urban and political elites, as well as against Brussels, and “return” their countries to the struggling middle classes»

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«Politicians are now like rabbits caught in the headlights. They’re aware the guy driving at them doesn’t like them — and they don’t know what to do.”»

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Sono frasi brevi, che usano termini usuali di tutti i giorni, enunciate senza nessuna particolare enfasi, ma che stanno pesando peggio di molti grandi macigni.

È vero. I nostri politici somigliano a conigli abbagliati dai fari: restano immobili senza sapere cosa fare.

L’errore degli errori è stato l’assunto ideologico che la persona umana si estinguesse nel suo agire economico.

Che questo sia un aspetto molto importante nessuno lo contesta: che sia prioritario su tutto è invece l’errore che ha portato liberals e socialisti all’autodistruzione, alla débâcle elettorale.

Volenti o nolenti la classe media esiste: può essere conculcata economicamente, tartassata con imposizioni fiscali gravose, vilipesa nelle sue credenze, sfregiata nel suo retaggio, ma pur sempre esiste.

Evidentemente l’implosione dell’Unione Sovietica ha insegnato più ai russi che non agli occidentali.

La classe media non scende in piazza, non baccaglia, non strilla, ecco perché l’élite

«continually underestimate the silent majority».

L’immigrazione è concausa, non causa della rivolta, causa da ascriversi all’orgoglio della tradizione che conferisce la forza di resistere e poi di ribellarsi:

«It was not so much immigration as sovereignty and accountability».

La classe media è tutto tranne il “popolo bue“: Rousseau, Voltarire, Robespierre e tutti gli altri illuministi erano troppo superbamente presi di sé stessi per comprendere questo semplice concetto, esattamente come liberals e socialisti oggi:

«it was alienation, not apathy, that stirred hitherto silent centrists into backing Brexit and Trump»

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Un’epoca è finita: la classe media si sta riappropriando di ciò che le pertiene.


Saudi Gazette. 2017-01-14. Fed up middle class backing Brexit

The Brexit result exposed a gulf between Remain-voting metropolitan types and the Leave-backing post-industrial north, just as the US vote revealed divisions between city liberals and rural conservatives.

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IT’S got money, jobs and it voted Brexit: the town of Milton Keynes near London represents a slice of middle-class voters fed up with a political elite ignoring their concerns.

Just as in the United States, it was not just struggling blue-collar workers fed up with the flip side of globalization who rebelled last year.

“We continually underestimate the silent majority,” said Richard Heffernan, an expert in government at The Open University, which was set up in Milton Keynes shortly after the town was established in 1967.

Three days after the inauguration of billionaire property tycoon Donald Trump as US president on January 20, the town will celebrate its 50th anniversary. Enjoying some of the best employment and growth rates in Britain, Milton Keynes could have been fertile ground for those backing the status quo in Britain’s 2016 vote on whether to stay in the European Union.

But the 250,000-strong town voted by 51 percent for Britain to leave the bloc, closely mirroring the 52-48 vote split across the country. Alongside the state of the economy, Britons who voted to leave the EU said their two other motivating factors were the influx of East European immigrants and the importance of national sovereignty.

In Milton Keynes, the latter seemed to dominate.

“It was not so much immigration as sovereignty and accountability,” 69-year-old retired nurse Diana Miller said of her Leave vote as she toured an exhibition to mark the town’s anniversary.

In the 1975 referendum on Britain’s entry into what was then the European Economic Community, “we voted for the common market, not a loss of sovereignty,” she said.

“We are a powerful country, we value our independence.”

The townsfolk put their concerns over the EU directly to then prime minister David Cameron in a television special four days before the June 23 referendum.

Voters quizzed Cameron on immigration, the possibility of Turkish accession to the bloc and the idea of spending more money on the National Health Service (NHS) instead of the EU budget.

The Brexit result exposed a gulf between Remain-voting metropolitan types and the Leave-backing post-industrial north, just as the US vote revealed divisions between city liberals and rural conservatives.

Yet in both countries, it was quiet support in those places in between that really made the difference.

“As the nation goes, so goes Milton Keynes,” said Heffernan.

“It’s moderate, centrist, and since 1997 it has been an electoral bellwether, in the same way as Ohio in the United States.

“In terms of Brexit, it was bang on the money.”

But the depth of its euroskepticism did not set alarm bells ringing for the establishment, despite political parties spending years doing focus groups in Milton Keynes, seen it as a microcosm of public opinion.

“A lot of people who study politics and analyze it are part of a metropolitan elite,” Heffernan told AFP.

“The liberal elite’s inability to represent many people was held against them.”

Following the Brexit and Trump votes there are now a plethora of anti-establishment movements in Europe seeking to rise up against urban and political elites, as well as against Brussels, and “return” their countries to the struggling middle classes.

The 50-year story of Milton Keynes is being told in an exhibition entitled “A New City Comes To Life”, which is located in the main shopping centre.

Built as a 1960s futuristic vision, its grid-pattern layout is unique in Britain and its green-fringed boulevards were purpose-built for the motor age.

Sited in the prosperous southeast of England, its major local employers include Spanish bank Santander and German carmakers Volkswagen and Mercedes-Benz.

It has seen the highest jobs growth of any British city, up 18 percent between 2004 and 2013.

Milton Keynes-born Katherine Moore, 31, who is qualified in catering but off work while looking after her baby, said: “There’s always good job opportunities here. If you’re trained in those fields, there’s so much work. I will never leave.

“The only reason I voted out was the NHS. But we need the foreign people, they built it up.”

Heffernan said it was alienation, not apathy, that stirred hitherto silent centrists into backing Brexit and Trump.

“It applies to middle-class professionals as much as to people who hammer metal,” he said.

“Politicians are now like rabbits caught in the headlights. They’re aware the guy driving at them doesn’t like them — and they don’t know what to do.”

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